In 1964, the Johnson administration claimed U.S. destroyers — the USS Maddox and Turner Joy — were attacked in the Gulf of Tonkin. Declassified intelligence later showed the second attack likely never happened. That misrepresented incident gave President Lyndon Johnson sweeping war powers in Vietnam without a formal declaration. History warns how dangerous it is when leaders act on uncertain evidence.
Today, U.S. naval forces are again operating aggressively near Venezuela. The Trump administration frames the buildup as counter-narcotics operations, but many analysts note its resemblance to the opening posture of past conflicts. Critics warn that a misstep — a skirmish blown out of proportion — could justify wider military action against Caracas.
The administration has already shown its willingness to use force for political ends. Earlier this year, federalized troops were sent into Los Angeles — widely criticized as an attempt to provoke unrest and justify a broader crackdown. Residents refused to be baited, but the impulse was clear: Create a confrontation, then argue for more force.
The stakes are even higher abroad. Since early September, the U.S. military has carried out 21 strikes against suspected drug-smuggling vessels in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific, killing at least 83 people. These attacks are being made by the newly formed Joint Task Force Southern Spear under U.S. Southern Command. Despite the fatalities, the administration has released no public evidence — no names, no cargo manifests, no photos — to justify why lethal force was chosen over interdiction.
That is not how a constitutional republic should operate.
Whenever the United States uses military force — even in a counter-drug mission — there must be transparency and legal clarity. Who are the targets? What qualifies as “hostile intent”? How is the intelligence verified before lethal force is used? These aren’t partisan questions — they are the bare minimum of democratic oversight.
Yet Congress has largely stayed silent. U.S. Rep. Jen Kiggans, who sits on the House Armed Services Committee, has not publicly demanded unclassified briefings or evidence. That silence is not oversight — it’s abdication.
Some secrecy is necessary to protect operations. But unclassified summaries can still explain the legal basis, the intelligence used, and why killing was chosen over arrest. The American public deserves to know when and why their government takes lives in their name.
From Vietnam to Iraq, covert or loosely justified missions often balloon into long wars. Each time, Americans were promised “never again.” Now, with contingency planning reportedly underway for possible actions in Venezuela, the pattern risks repeating in our own hemisphere.
For places such as Hampton Roads — home to the world’s largest naval base — these choices hit close to home. Every deployment means service members away from their families. Every unexplained escalation breeds anxiety at dinner tables across Tidewater. Military families deserve clarity before loved ones are sent into danger.
Congress must reclaim its constitutional role in war-making. Lawmakers should demand unclassified briefings on the 21 Southern Command strikes and insist that the Pentagon provide timely notice whenever lethal force is used outside declared combat zones.
Next, the War Powers Resolution must be updated to prevent open-ended “shadow wars” without meaningful congressional oversight. Lethal force should be a last resort — not standard policy.
Finally, Washington must invest in diplomacy, regional cooperation and development to address the root causes that drive narcotics trafficking. Military might alone cannot solve these problems — and often only makes them worse.
Oversight isn’t weakness. It’s the mark of a confident nation that chooses accountability over secrecy. Before another conflict spirals beyond control, Congress should publicly ask hard questions — or the American people must demand that they do, before any more lives are lost in yet another ill-conceived war.
Retired U.S. Marine Lt. Col. Mike Williamson of Suffolk spent 20 years in the Marines as an infantry officer and served six tours overseas. He most recently served as the director of maritime fires for the U.S. Second Fleet in Norfolk and was a candidate for U.S. Congress in the 2nd Congressional District.