A segment of Catalan nationalism desires, or aspires to, the independence of Catalonia. However, after October 2017, the real possibilities of achieving this goal in the short or medium term appear very slim, if not nonexistent, at least in the eyes of the vast majority. Only a dreamer or a delusional person would now repeat the phrase “it’s just around the corner.” As is well known, history favors the strong, not those who defend, or are convinced they are defending, a just cause. In the current context, in which Catalonia remains a part of Spain, and a very significant part at that, and more than eight years after that failed declaration of independence, it is appropriate, even necessary, to consider what stance should be taken regarding the relationship between the independence movement and the future of the Spanish state, or Spain.

This issue arises, on the one hand, from the current situation in Spain, so difficult and complicated in some respects, with a coalition government floundering, but with a captain, Pedro Sánchez, determined not to relinquish the helm. On the other hand, it arises because Junts per Catalunya, heir, at least in part, to the Catalan nationalism that has been hegemonic for decades, declares day in and day out that, as Míriam Nogueras often repeats in Congress, its sole interest is securing advantages for Catalonia, while ignoring everything else. A few days ago, for example, Junts called on ERC to take advantage of the Spanish government’s “weakness” to gain concessions for Catalonia. The Republican Gabriel Rufián has accused Junts of lying when they insisted that the initiatives of Sánchez that they have blocked in Congress did not affect Catalans. Meanwhile, Silvia Orriols, the leader of Aliança Catalana, reminded everyone in a message on social media: “We are not going to participate in the elections of the Spanish kingdom, just as we do not participate and will not participate in elections in Italy or Sweden.”

To pretend that the future of Spain has nothing to do with the future of Catalonia is to live in a fantasy world. Or, much worse, to deceive people.

In other words: to consider only and deal exclusively with what directly affects Catalonia and to disengage from the governance of Spain. Is this an acceptable approach, or is it simply an illusory one—one that disregards reality—and, moreover, harmful to those in whose name it is being acted upon, that is, all Catalans? This dilemma is not new at all. Let us recall what Alcalá-Zamora told Francisco Cambó: “You must choose between being the Bolívar of Catalonia or the Bismarck of Spain, but it is impossible for you to want to be both at the same time.” At that time, in 1918, Spain was going through a period at least as difficult as it is now, and probably even more so.

The mainstream Catalan nationalism has always combined both aspects. The reasons are perfectly understandable. A prosperous Spain fosters, even encourages, a Catalonia that advances in material terms, or in terms of well-being. But neither Cambó and the League, nor the rest of historical Catalan nationalism, have collaborated with Spain’s future solely for reasons of this nature. They have also done so because, lacking independence attainable, they believed that Spain’s political development and modernization should lead to a state that finally embraced its diverse nature and inherent pluralism, which would favor Catalan linguistic, cultural, and ultimately national progress. Intervention in Spanish politics has always had, and continues to have, a dual dimension.

To pretend that the future of Spain has nothing to do with the future of Catalonia is, as we said before, to live in a fantasy world. Or, much worse, to deceive people. One need only remember that the current Generalitat was a concession from the Spanish government—as was the Mancomunitat—and that the current Statute is a Spanish organic law. Or that Catalan and Spanish GDPs are closely linked. Any observer knows and should accept that it is in Catalonia’s best interest for Spain to prosper. It is also very much in Catalonia’s interest for Spain to evolve in a certain direction, embracing Catalan identity not only as something unequivocal, but also as a heritage to be protected and promoted.

Consequently, the stance based on such indifference towards Spain – “we don’t care if Spain is doing well or not” – is a serious mistake (also when it’s implied that it doesn’t matter whether the PSOE or the PP-Vox alliance governs). In fact, it’s detrimental to the interests of Catalans, who benefit from Spain functioning and, at the same time, evolving politically, and spiritually, if I may say so, in a way that is positive for Catalan national identity. The dilemma between being Bolívar or Bismarck is, therefore, a great trap. This applies whether it’s posed by the liberal-monarchist Alcalá-Zamora or by the most vocal of today’s separatists. Catalan nationalism, and within it, the separatist movement, has an interest in playing both roles under the current circumstances. It must continue to be both Bolívar and Bismarck.