Tom Barrack has had one of the most thankless jobs in the second Trump administration — working to resolve a fragile post-conflict stabilization process in Syria in light of deep congressional skepticism about the Syrian Transitional Government headed by President Ahmed al-Sharaa.
Because of al-Sharaa’s past as a jihadi militant and notwithstanding his warm reception by President Trump, fears that the reintegration of the Syrian state under his leadership might go badly produce visceral reactions for many in Washington. Such concerns have led to increasingly pointed criticism of Trump’s Syria envoy, Barrack, out of fear for the safety of Kurds and other minorities. They have also led to moves in Congress to reimpose sanctions on Damascus.
The truth is that dramatic changes in Syria since late 2024 required new policy to stabilize and shape the new post-Assad Syria. Trump crafted and Barrack carried out that policy in a way that recognizes the new facts on the ground. Bashar Assad’s dictatorship is gone, the Islamic State in Syria has effectively been suppressed, and much of Syria reintegrating, normalizing and cautiously supportive of the new government.
The Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, our partners in defeating the Islamic State — have shrunk in numbers and territorial control as Arab tribes realign to the new government and Damascus presses for sovereign control of border crossings, energy resources and territory. Al-Sharaa has cultivated positive relations with Washington and Europe and has ongoing negotiations with Israel. Most U.S. allies in the region, like most Syrians, have recognized al-Sharaa’s government as the best shot at stability in the country.
Trump has joined with our allies in supporting al-Sharaa’s government and creating conditions for his success. Critical press to the contrary, there is no Tom Barrack Syria policy — it is a Trump Syria policy. And it is prudent policy: The U.S. supported the Syria Defense Forces against the Islamic State for a decade with weapons, air support, advice and hundreds of millions of dollars ($130 million in fiscal 2026), but never promised an open-ended subsidy or territorial control.
Without air cover, subsidies or the Arab tribes, the Kurdish portion of the Syrian Democratic Forces (an affiliate of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, a U.S.-designated Foreign Terror Organization) could not maintain a mini-state apart from the rest of Syria — reintegration was always in the cards.
The quality of that reintegration matters greatly, and Congress is right to press for fair terms and favorable outcome for the Kurds. Many Americans worked for years doing this for our Kurdish allies in northern Iraq on Operation Provide Comfort in 1991 — a process that continues today.
That is why Barrack has invested nearly a year negotiating the best deal ever offered Syria’s Kurds — but the Kurdish People’s Protection Units’ ratifying authority has been hesitant to allow a deal to go forward. Suggestions that Barrack misled the Kurds are wrong: Some in the Kurdistan Workers’ Party or People’s Protection Units may have believed that the U.S. would support the status quo indefinitely, but Barrack clearly communicated early on that that was not the case. The U.S. has supported reintegration with substantive political and cultural protections — those have been and remain on offer.
Formal commitment to the reintegration deal announced Jan. 18 was secured on Jan. 30, with al-Sharaa and Syrian Kurdish leader Mazloum Abdi signing. So, while forceful engagement by Washington to ensure the al-Sharaa government lives up to its assurances are appropriate, threats against the transitional government or recriminations against Barrack for how the deal got done are not.
Where Syria is now is far better than during the 15 dark years of war and fragmentation. Our president and our ambassador have us on the cusp of a major win for U.S. interests — an end to this war, a stabilized state, a more prosperous region. They deserve credit for that, even if risks and a great deal more work remain.
James L. Jones Jr. is a retired United States Marine Corps General and founder of Jones Group International. He served as the 21st United States National Security Advisor, the 32nd Commandant of the Marine Corps, and Supreme Allied Commander Europe. He serves as executive chairman emeritus of the Atlantic Council.
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