Péter Magyar has been sworn in as Hungary’s prime minister, formally ending Viktor Orbán’s 16 years in power and opening a new phase in Hungarian politics. His centre-right Tisza party secured a two-thirds parliamentary majority in the 12 April election, giving the new government the numerical strength to pursue constitutional and institutional reforms.
In his inaugural address, Magyar described the result as a mandate not only to change the government, but to change the system. He told parliament that Hungarians had given his government responsibility to “open a new chapter” in the country’s history, while stressing that reconciliation would have to be accompanied by justice and a reckoning with the past.
The transition marks one of the most significant political shifts in the European Union in recent years. Under Orbán, Hungary frequently clashed with Brussels over rule of law, media freedom, corruption, judicial independence and Ukraine policy. Magyar has signalled that restoring Hungary’s relationship with the EU will be one of his government’s immediate priorities.
The financial stakes are substantial. Around €17 billion in EU funds remain blocked, including approximately €11 billion from the post-pandemic Recovery Fund, with a mid-August deadline for Hungary to meet conditions linked to rule-of-law reforms. Talks between the incoming government and the European Commission have focused on legal and constitutional changes required before the funds can be released.
Magyar has already placed anti-corruption and asset recovery at the centre of his agenda. He has proposed a National Asset Recovery Office aimed at identifying and recovering public assets allegedly diverted into private hands during the previous government. Hungary ranked at the bottom of the EU in Transparency International’s 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index, sharing last place with Bulgaria among member states and falling to 84th place globally.
Media reform is also expected to be among the first tests of the new administration. Under Orbán, public broadcasting and a large part of the wider media market were criticised for operating in close alignment with government interests. Reporters Without Borders has described Hungary’s media environment as highly concentrated, with the KESMA foundation holding hundreds of national and local outlets, while public media were built to serve the previous government.
The shift was visible inside parliament immediately after the change of power. Journalists reported freer movement in the building and greater access to MPs than under the previous administration. Magyar has pledged to reform public broadcasting and introduce new rules intended to restore editorial independence, although press freedom groups have also warned that any restructuring must avoid replacing one form of political control with another.
The new prime minister has also used symbolic gestures to mark a break with the previous era. The EU flag was restored to Hungary’s parliament during the inauguration period, while Magyar presented his government as pro-European, conservative and focused on democratic renewal rather than conventional left-right politics.
His government faces immediate institutional obstacles. Many senior office-holders were appointed under Fidesz and hold long terms, while several areas of Hungarian law were designed to require supermajorities for change. Tisza’s two-thirds majority gives Magyar greater room for manoeuvre than any previous opposition-led government would have had, but replacing entrenched officials and restructuring state institutions could still lead to legal and political confrontation.
Magyar has called for several senior figures associated with the previous system to resign. Among the most sensitive issues is the presidency, as President Tamás Sulyok remains in office and could become a focal point of institutional resistance if he uses veto powers against the new parliamentary majority.
The government’s programme also includes measures reaching beyond the Orbán period. Magyar has indicated support for opening communist-era secret police files and reviewing asset transfers from the transition period after the fall of communism. That approach appears intended to frame accountability as a broader historical process rather than a campaign directed solely at Fidesz.
For Brussels, the change in Budapest offers the prospect of a less obstructive Hungarian government inside the EU and NATO. Orbán’s Hungary had repeatedly delayed or challenged EU decisions on Ukraine, sanctions and rule-of-law policy. Magyar has pledged to restore Hungary’s Western alignment and rebuild trust with European partners.
The economic response has so far been positive. The forint reached a four-year high against the euro after Magyar’s victory, while government borrowing costs fell, reflecting investor expectations of improved EU relations and possible access to frozen funds.
However, the new government inherits weak public finances, a strained budget and high public expectations. Its first months will be judged on whether it can move quickly enough to satisfy EU conditions, reform state institutions and maintain domestic support while managing inevitable resistance from Fidesz and its remaining institutional networks.
Magyar’s arrival in office does not erase the legacy of the Orbán era. It does, however, alter the political balance in Budapest and gives Hungary its first post-Orbán government after 16 years. The question now is whether a large electoral mandate can be converted into durable institutional change.
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