**Not only Qatar, but also Morocco allegedly bribed MEPs. In the leading role: Italian social democrat Antonio Panzeri. ‘He never bragged about his good relations with Morocco, but instead tried to divert attention.’**
Hopeful, two Dutch Rif activists sit in the foyer of the European Parliament in Brussels on 5 June 2018. For weeks they have been campaigning for the Sakharov Prize, the European prize for human rights defenders. They want to nominate Nasser Zefzafi, the Moroccan protester who stood up for the disadvantaged Rif region and paid for it with 20 years in prison. Now they may present their candidate to MEP Pier Antonio Panzeri, the chairman of the human rights commission. ‘We heard you had to be with him to draw attention to a nomination,’ says Jamal Ayaou, spokesman for the Rif activists.
An assistant to Panzeri comes to collect the men: Francesco Giorgi (the partner of the now detained Greek vice-president of the European Parliament Eva Kaili). Before the appointment, he wants a preliminary interview. In a smaller room, before they have even said a word, Giorgi asks, according to the men: ‘Is it an idea that you withdraw the nomination? That might be better for your cause.’
The aide explains that such a big prize for Zefzafi would not go down well with the Moroccan authorities, who would therefore crack down even harder in the Rif region. Therefore, says Giorgi, they had better stop their lobbying.
In early December 2022, it became clear that Belgian police had been investigating the bribery of MEPs by Qatar and Morocco for months. Panzeri and his aide in particular are alleged to have played a key role in operations by Morocco to influence European policies. How did Morocco’s alleged accomplices operate inside parliament? And what did they manage to achieve?
**Framed**
In the European Parliament, Morocco has had some enthusiastic advocates for years, such as Spain and France. European countries depend on Morocco when it comes to countering illegal immigration and fighting crime and terrorism. Those interests are what politicians on the centre and right in particular take into account in their stance towards Rabat.
But the current bribery scandal concentrates on the left-wing, social democratic group in the European Parliament. An influential player within that group is the Italian Panzeri, who served three terms there. A former trade union leader, he initially focused on workers’ rights when he took office in 2004. In 2009, his focus shifted to foreign affairs. He becomes chairman of the delegation for relations with North African countries. Since Panzeri speaks only Italian, communication is difficult, but his adviser Francesco Giorgi also acts as his interpreter.
Still later, in 2017, the Italian was also given the chairmanship of the Human Rights Commission, allowing him to exert great influence on the agenda in the European Parliament. In that role, he skillfully manages to divert attention away from Morocco: human rights violations around the world have his attention – except those in Morocco. In 2017, for instance, Panzeri called attention to the humanitarian situation in Yemen, violent outbreaks in Burundi and the persecution of LGBTI people in Chechnya, but NOT to protesters and journalists who were widely detained by Moroccan authorities at the time. At an EU meeting that year, Panzeri even said Morocco was making “significant progress” on democracy. A year later – the protest leaders have since been sentenced to long sentences in what human rights groups say is an unfair trial – Panzeri says at a meeting he is “very satisfied” with Morocco’s human rights compliance.
When colleagues try to put resolutions on the agenda about the situation in Morocco, they are always delayed by Panzeri. Then he says, for example, that the procedure started too late, people from his group tell him. Or that it is better to wait a little longer. These are arguments he keeps using. Portuguese former MEP Ana Gomes, active in the same group as Panzeri from 2004 to 2019, speaks of ‘clever tactics’. ‘He never bragged about his good relations with Morocco, but instead tried to divert attention.’ As early as 2018, Gomes expressed suspicion to an Algerian blog that some MEP colleagues had been ‘bought’ by Morocco, without naming names.
The Rif activists from the Netherlands also sense that something is not right, after speaking to Panzeri for their lobbying for the Sakharov Prize. Through other MEPs, they still manage to gather enough votes to nominate Nasser Zefzafi. He is among the last three candidates. Then suddenly they get a call. ‘We were just sitting in a Brussels fish restaurant when an MEP called because Panzeri’s assistant was looking for us. We had to come immediately, Panzeri wanted to speak to us,’ Jamal Ayaou says. As the men walked back to Parliament, they were met by four unknown men. Two Moroccans, two Italians. ‘They said they had come to get us for the appointment with Panzeri. On the way, they asked which politicians we had all spoken to.’
When they arrive at the parliament building, the unknown men do not enter with them. They disappear. ‘We were set up,’ says Ayaou. ‘It turned out there was no appointment at all. Those men had interrogated us about our contacts. But it was Panzeri’s assistant (Giorgi, ed.) who had lured us there.’
I’m starting to think Morocco making it so far in the world cup wasn’t a coincidence. As is their desire to host the Clubs World Cup (or however it’s called).
I pray for the day when PSOE’s links to the Moroccan government are revealed. Spanish politics will collapse, and if there is any minimum of justice in Spain, half of the national PSOE party will be imprisoned and Spain will once again support a Saharan Sahara free from Moroccan colonialists.
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**Not only Qatar, but also Morocco allegedly bribed MEPs. In the leading role: Italian social democrat Antonio Panzeri. ‘He never bragged about his good relations with Morocco, but instead tried to divert attention.’**
Hopeful, two Dutch Rif activists sit in the foyer of the European Parliament in Brussels on 5 June 2018. For weeks they have been campaigning for the Sakharov Prize, the European prize for human rights defenders. They want to nominate Nasser Zefzafi, the Moroccan protester who stood up for the disadvantaged Rif region and paid for it with 20 years in prison. Now they may present their candidate to MEP Pier Antonio Panzeri, the chairman of the human rights commission. ‘We heard you had to be with him to draw attention to a nomination,’ says Jamal Ayaou, spokesman for the Rif activists.
An assistant to Panzeri comes to collect the men: Francesco Giorgi (the partner of the now detained Greek vice-president of the European Parliament Eva Kaili). Before the appointment, he wants a preliminary interview. In a smaller room, before they have even said a word, Giorgi asks, according to the men: ‘Is it an idea that you withdraw the nomination? That might be better for your cause.’
The aide explains that such a big prize for Zefzafi would not go down well with the Moroccan authorities, who would therefore crack down even harder in the Rif region. Therefore, says Giorgi, they had better stop their lobbying.
In early December 2022, it became clear that Belgian police had been investigating the bribery of MEPs by Qatar and Morocco for months. Panzeri and his aide in particular are alleged to have played a key role in operations by Morocco to influence European policies. How did Morocco’s alleged accomplices operate inside parliament? And what did they manage to achieve?
**Framed**
In the European Parliament, Morocco has had some enthusiastic advocates for years, such as Spain and France. European countries depend on Morocco when it comes to countering illegal immigration and fighting crime and terrorism. Those interests are what politicians on the centre and right in particular take into account in their stance towards Rabat.
But the current bribery scandal concentrates on the left-wing, social democratic group in the European Parliament. An influential player within that group is the Italian Panzeri, who served three terms there. A former trade union leader, he initially focused on workers’ rights when he took office in 2004. In 2009, his focus shifted to foreign affairs. He becomes chairman of the delegation for relations with North African countries. Since Panzeri speaks only Italian, communication is difficult, but his adviser Francesco Giorgi also acts as his interpreter.
Still later, in 2017, the Italian was also given the chairmanship of the Human Rights Commission, allowing him to exert great influence on the agenda in the European Parliament. In that role, he skillfully manages to divert attention away from Morocco: human rights violations around the world have his attention – except those in Morocco. In 2017, for instance, Panzeri called attention to the humanitarian situation in Yemen, violent outbreaks in Burundi and the persecution of LGBTI people in Chechnya, but NOT to protesters and journalists who were widely detained by Moroccan authorities at the time. At an EU meeting that year, Panzeri even said Morocco was making “significant progress” on democracy. A year later – the protest leaders have since been sentenced to long sentences in what human rights groups say is an unfair trial – Panzeri says at a meeting he is “very satisfied” with Morocco’s human rights compliance.
When colleagues try to put resolutions on the agenda about the situation in Morocco, they are always delayed by Panzeri. Then he says, for example, that the procedure started too late, people from his group tell him. Or that it is better to wait a little longer. These are arguments he keeps using. Portuguese former MEP Ana Gomes, active in the same group as Panzeri from 2004 to 2019, speaks of ‘clever tactics’. ‘He never bragged about his good relations with Morocco, but instead tried to divert attention.’ As early as 2018, Gomes expressed suspicion to an Algerian blog that some MEP colleagues had been ‘bought’ by Morocco, without naming names.
The Rif activists from the Netherlands also sense that something is not right, after speaking to Panzeri for their lobbying for the Sakharov Prize. Through other MEPs, they still manage to gather enough votes to nominate Nasser Zefzafi. He is among the last three candidates. Then suddenly they get a call. ‘We were just sitting in a Brussels fish restaurant when an MEP called because Panzeri’s assistant was looking for us. We had to come immediately, Panzeri wanted to speak to us,’ Jamal Ayaou says. As the men walked back to Parliament, they were met by four unknown men. Two Moroccans, two Italians. ‘They said they had come to get us for the appointment with Panzeri. On the way, they asked which politicians we had all spoken to.’
When they arrive at the parliament building, the unknown men do not enter with them. They disappear. ‘We were set up,’ says Ayaou. ‘It turned out there was no appointment at all. Those men had interrogated us about our contacts. But it was Panzeri’s assistant (Giorgi, ed.) who had lured us there.’
I’m starting to think Morocco making it so far in the world cup wasn’t a coincidence. As is their desire to host the Clubs World Cup (or however it’s called).
I pray for the day when PSOE’s links to the Moroccan government are revealed. Spanish politics will collapse, and if there is any minimum of justice in Spain, half of the national PSOE party will be imprisoned and Spain will once again support a Saharan Sahara free from Moroccan colonialists.