Open letter to the Leaders of the United States Congress
The undersigned members of The Alphen Group (TAG) urge the United States Congress to approve expeditiously the Administration’s request for continuation of assistance to Ukraine, a sovereign nation that was attacked without provocation by Russia and now is valiantly defending its territory, democracy, and the rule of law.
Ukraine’s fight is not only in defense of its own sovereignty and territory, but also on behalf of the West, its values and way of life, which Russia seeks to replace with an international system more welcoming for dictatorships. Russian President Vladimir Putin has no apparent intention to reverse Russia’s aggression or to seek a negotiated settlement on any terms other than complete victory. The United States and its allies must help Ukraine prevent Russia from winning a victory that would both be disastrous for the people and country of Ukraine and threatening the future security of the United States and its allies.
We do not take this position lightly but rather following debate among ourselves around the costs and benefits of a variety of US and NATO policy approaches. This war is at a tipping point at which decisions made by the United States and its NATO allies and partners will determine whether the outcome is favorable to their interests or disastrous for Ukraine and the West. The West must convince Putin that time is not on his side. American aid combined with continued European assistance will do that. Failure of the United States to lead would create conditions for a Russian victory.
Strong action supporting Ukraine at this point would fundamentally strengthen NATO cohesion. The European NATO allies have made important contributions to Ukraine’s defenses and aspirations to become a member of the European Union (EU) and NATO. The EU’s recent decision to open membership negotiations with Ukraine was a major step forward toward Ukraine’s goal of joining Europe and the West. We are urging European and Canadian leaders and parliamentarians to continue their support. In many cases, European allies have been the first to provide certain categories of weapons, such as tanks and longer-range missiles. They have paid large costs implementing sanctions against Russia and shifting away from dependence on Russian energy.
Ukraine is still resolute, but it lacks the means to achieve decisive battlefield results. Accordingly, the United States needs to accelerate the delivery of fighter aircraft and long-range artillery that Ukraine must have to succeed and end the conflict. If implemented beginning in early 2024, Ukraine can be equipped with the capabilities it needs to succeed by year’s end.
Not continuing U.S. support for Ukraine would be a huge failure of bipartisan foreign and defense policy and would weaken America’s leadership internationally as well as in Europe. Importantly, reaffirmed U.S. and European support would send a strong message to China, Iran and other authoritarian regimes that aggression against their neighbors cannot succeed.
A Ukrainian success in 2024 would have far-reaching effects, not only in Europe but globally. A defeated Russian military cannot pose a direct threat to its neighbors for years to come. Aggressive and authoritarian regimes like China, North Korea and Iran would be chastened, not encouraged. The stability of the international system and the rule of law would be strengthened. Global food security and supply chain disruptions would be eased. Most importantly, the prospects for direct conflict with the Russian Federation would be greatly reduced with a Ukraine whole and free.
For these reasons, we urge Members of Congress of both parties to recognize the critical importance of maintaining and increasing support for Ukraine, on behalf of U.S. interests and those of the international system more broadly. Any other choice would represent a failure of U.S. leadership, opening the door to a much more dangerous world in the future.
—————————
Michal Baranowski, Poland, Director, German Marshall Fund of the United States
Rob Bertholee, The Netherlands, former Director-General Netherlands General Intelligence and Security Service
John Bruni, Australia, Founder/CEO, Sage International, Australia
Paul Beaver, United Kingdom, former Specialist Advisor to the House of Commons Defence Committee
Robert Bell, United States, former NATO Assistant Secretary General for Defense Investment, and Defense Advisor, US Mission to NATO
Hans Binnendijk, United States, former Special Assistant to the President for Defense Policy
Henrich Brauss, Germany, former NATO Assistant Secretary-General for Policy and Planning
Jan Broeks, Netherlands, former Director-General, NATO Military Staff
Kerry Buck, former Canadian Ambassador to NATO
Vincenzo Camporini, Italy, former Chief of Defense Italian Armed Forces
Ivo Daalder, United States, U.S. Ambassador to NATO, 2009-2013
Marta Dassù, Italy, Senior Advisor for European Affairs, Aspen Institute Italia
Gordon B. Davis, Jr. United States, Major General, U.S. Army (ret), former NATO Deputy Assistant Secretary General
Sławomir Dębski, Poland, Director of the Polish Institute of International Affairs
Camille Grand, (France), former NATO Assistant Secretary-General for Defence Investment
Sir Christopher Harper, United Kingdom, former Director-General, NATO International Military Staff
Ben Hodges, United States, former Commander, United States Army Europe
James Holland, United Kingdom, Historian
R.D. Hooker, Jr., United States, former Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Europe and Russia, National Security Council
Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, The Netherlands, former NATO Secretary General
Peter Hudson, United Kingdom, former Commander, NATO Maritime Command
Giedrimas Jeglinskas, Lithuania, former NATO Assistant Secretary General for Executive Management
Karl-Heinz Kamp, Germany, former President of the Federal Academy for Security Policy
Sarah Kirchberger, Germany, Director, Institute for Security Policy at Kiel University
Thomas Kleine Brockhoff, Germany, Director, German Marshall Fund of the United States, Berlin
Imants Liegis, Latvia, former Minister of Defence and Ambassador
Julian Lindley French, United Kingdom, Chairman, The Alphen Group
Stephen Neil MacFarlane, Canada, former Lester B. Pearson Professor of International Relations, Oxford University
Antonio Missiroli, Italy, former NATO Assistant Secretary-General for Emerging Security Challenges
Zaneta Ozolina, Latvia, Professor, Chair, Latvian Foreign Affairs Council
Giampaolo di Paola, Italy, former Chairman, NATO Military Committee and Minister of Defence of Italy
Jean-Paul Perruche, France, former Head of the EU Military Staff
Eric Povel, The Netherlands, former NATO Public Affairs Officer
Sten Rynning, Denmark, Professor of Business and Social Sciences, University of Southern Denmark
Diego Ruiz Palmer, United States, former NATO Special Advisor for Net Assessment
Paul Schulte, United Kingdom, former Director of Proliferation and Arms Control, UK Ministry of Defence
Hanna Shelest, Ukraine, Director of Security Studies and Global Outreach, Foreign Policy Council, Ukrainian Prism
Richard Shirreff, United Kingdom, former NATO Deputy Supreme Allied Commander
Stanley R. Sloan, United States, former Senior Specialist, International Security Policy, Congressional Research Service
Carsten Sondergaard, Denmark, former Ambassador to NATO and to Russia
Stefano Stefanini, Italy, former Ambassador to NATO
Jim Townsend, United States, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for European and NATO Policy
Patrick Turner, United Kingdom, former NATO Assistant Secretary-General for Operations; Assistant Secretary-General for Policy and Planning
Sandy Vershbow, United States, former NATO Deputy Secretary General and former U.S. Ambassador to Russia
Peter Watkins, United Kingdom, former Director General, Security Policy, Strategy & International, UK Ministry of Defence
Anna Wieslander, Sweden, Chair of the Board, Institute for Security and Development Policy
Rob de Wijk, The Netherlands, Professor and Founder Hague Centre for Strategic Studies
All signatories participate in a personal capacity.
That they have to be reminded shows how broken American democracy has become. When a small group of pieces of shit has the entire US government hostage. They even happily let a single man cripple the US military for *almost a year*. They’ll still be screaming about M&Ms not wearing hooker boots anymore, while the world burns.
They really don’t seem to understand that we, as in the democracies of the world, are already at war. Russia doesn’t even fucking hide it. But they act like everything’s totally fine and the most important issue are the wokeness of candy.
4 comments
Open letter to the Leaders of the United States Congress
The undersigned members of The Alphen Group (TAG) urge the United States Congress to approve expeditiously the Administration’s request for continuation of assistance to Ukraine, a sovereign nation that was attacked without provocation by Russia and now is valiantly defending its territory, democracy, and the rule of law.
Ukraine’s fight is not only in defense of its own sovereignty and territory, but also on behalf of the West, its values and way of life, which Russia seeks to replace with an international system more welcoming for dictatorships. Russian President Vladimir Putin has no apparent intention to reverse Russia’s aggression or to seek a negotiated settlement on any terms other than complete victory. The United States and its allies must help Ukraine prevent Russia from winning a victory that would both be disastrous for the people and country of Ukraine and threatening the future security of the United States and its allies.
We do not take this position lightly but rather following debate among ourselves around the costs and benefits of a variety of US and NATO policy approaches. This war is at a tipping point at which decisions made by the United States and its NATO allies and partners will determine whether the outcome is favorable to their interests or disastrous for Ukraine and the West. The West must convince Putin that time is not on his side. American aid combined with continued European assistance will do that. Failure of the United States to lead would create conditions for a Russian victory.
Strong action supporting Ukraine at this point would fundamentally strengthen NATO cohesion. The European NATO allies have made important contributions to Ukraine’s defenses and aspirations to become a member of the European Union (EU) and NATO. The EU’s recent decision to open membership negotiations with Ukraine was a major step forward toward Ukraine’s goal of joining Europe and the West. We are urging European and Canadian leaders and parliamentarians to continue their support. In many cases, European allies have been the first to provide certain categories of weapons, such as tanks and longer-range missiles. They have paid large costs implementing sanctions against Russia and shifting away from dependence on Russian energy.
Ukraine is still resolute, but it lacks the means to achieve decisive battlefield results. Accordingly, the United States needs to accelerate the delivery of fighter aircraft and long-range artillery that Ukraine must have to succeed and end the conflict. If implemented beginning in early 2024, Ukraine can be equipped with the capabilities it needs to succeed by year’s end.
Not continuing U.S. support for Ukraine would be a huge failure of bipartisan foreign and defense policy and would weaken America’s leadership internationally as well as in Europe. Importantly, reaffirmed U.S. and European support would send a strong message to China, Iran and other authoritarian regimes that aggression against their neighbors cannot succeed.
A Ukrainian success in 2024 would have far-reaching effects, not only in Europe but globally. A defeated Russian military cannot pose a direct threat to its neighbors for years to come. Aggressive and authoritarian regimes like China, North Korea and Iran would be chastened, not encouraged. The stability of the international system and the rule of law would be strengthened. Global food security and supply chain disruptions would be eased. Most importantly, the prospects for direct conflict with the Russian Federation would be greatly reduced with a Ukraine whole and free.
For these reasons, we urge Members of Congress of both parties to recognize the critical importance of maintaining and increasing support for Ukraine, on behalf of U.S. interests and those of the international system more broadly. Any other choice would represent a failure of U.S. leadership, opening the door to a much more dangerous world in the future.
—————————
Michal Baranowski, Poland, Director, German Marshall Fund of the United States
Rob Bertholee, The Netherlands, former Director-General Netherlands General Intelligence and Security Service
John Bruni, Australia, Founder/CEO, Sage International, Australia
Paul Beaver, United Kingdom, former Specialist Advisor to the House of Commons Defence Committee
Robert Bell, United States, former NATO Assistant Secretary General for Defense Investment, and Defense Advisor, US Mission to NATO
Hans Binnendijk, United States, former Special Assistant to the President for Defense Policy
Henrich Brauss, Germany, former NATO Assistant Secretary-General for Policy and Planning
Jan Broeks, Netherlands, former Director-General, NATO Military Staff
Kerry Buck, former Canadian Ambassador to NATO
Vincenzo Camporini, Italy, former Chief of Defense Italian Armed Forces
Ivo Daalder, United States, U.S. Ambassador to NATO, 2009-2013
Marta Dassù, Italy, Senior Advisor for European Affairs, Aspen Institute Italia
Gordon B. Davis, Jr. United States, Major General, U.S. Army (ret), former NATO Deputy Assistant Secretary General
Sławomir Dębski, Poland, Director of the Polish Institute of International Affairs
Camille Grand, (France), former NATO Assistant Secretary-General for Defence Investment
Sir Christopher Harper, United Kingdom, former Director-General, NATO International Military Staff
Ben Hodges, United States, former Commander, United States Army Europe
James Holland, United Kingdom, Historian
R.D. Hooker, Jr., United States, former Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Europe and Russia, National Security Council
Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, The Netherlands, former NATO Secretary General
Peter Hudson, United Kingdom, former Commander, NATO Maritime Command
Giedrimas Jeglinskas, Lithuania, former NATO Assistant Secretary General for Executive Management
Karl-Heinz Kamp, Germany, former President of the Federal Academy for Security Policy
Sarah Kirchberger, Germany, Director, Institute for Security Policy at Kiel University
Thomas Kleine Brockhoff, Germany, Director, German Marshall Fund of the United States, Berlin
Imants Liegis, Latvia, former Minister of Defence and Ambassador
Julian Lindley French, United Kingdom, Chairman, The Alphen Group
Stephen Neil MacFarlane, Canada, former Lester B. Pearson Professor of International Relations, Oxford University
Antonio Missiroli, Italy, former NATO Assistant Secretary-General for Emerging Security Challenges
Zaneta Ozolina, Latvia, Professor, Chair, Latvian Foreign Affairs Council
Giampaolo di Paola, Italy, former Chairman, NATO Military Committee and Minister of Defence of Italy
Jean-Paul Perruche, France, former Head of the EU Military Staff
Eric Povel, The Netherlands, former NATO Public Affairs Officer
Sten Rynning, Denmark, Professor of Business and Social Sciences, University of Southern Denmark
Diego Ruiz Palmer, United States, former NATO Special Advisor for Net Assessment
Paul Schulte, United Kingdom, former Director of Proliferation and Arms Control, UK Ministry of Defence
Hanna Shelest, Ukraine, Director of Security Studies and Global Outreach, Foreign Policy Council, Ukrainian Prism
Richard Shirreff, United Kingdom, former NATO Deputy Supreme Allied Commander
Stanley R. Sloan, United States, former Senior Specialist, International Security Policy, Congressional Research Service
Carsten Sondergaard, Denmark, former Ambassador to NATO and to Russia
Stefano Stefanini, Italy, former Ambassador to NATO
Jim Townsend, United States, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for European and NATO Policy
Patrick Turner, United Kingdom, former NATO Assistant Secretary-General for Operations; Assistant Secretary-General for Policy and Planning
Sandy Vershbow, United States, former NATO Deputy Secretary General and former U.S. Ambassador to Russia
Peter Watkins, United Kingdom, former Director General, Security Policy, Strategy & International, UK Ministry of Defence
Anna Wieslander, Sweden, Chair of the Board, Institute for Security and Development Policy
Rob de Wijk, The Netherlands, Professor and Founder Hague Centre for Strategic Studies
All signatories participate in a personal capacity.
That they have to be reminded shows how broken American democracy has become. When a small group of pieces of shit has the entire US government hostage. They even happily let a single man cripple the US military for *almost a year*. They’ll still be screaming about M&Ms not wearing hooker boots anymore, while the world burns.
They really don’t seem to understand that we, as in the democracies of the world, are already at war. Russia doesn’t even fucking hide it. But they act like everything’s totally fine and the most important issue are the wokeness of candy.
This is amazing.
Fuck russai.
Slava Ukraini 🇺🇦 Heroyam Slava!!!!
Jokes on them, half of them can’t even read