Ukrainian and Russian delegations met in Istanbul on July 23 for a third round of peace talks, which lasted under an hour. The meeting followed earlier negotiations held on May 16 and June 2, marking a renewed, though strained, attempt at dialogue after over three years without formal contact.
During the talks, Ukraine proposed a summit between President Volodymyr Zelensky and Russian President Vladimir Putin before the end of August, said Rustem Umerov, Secretary of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council and head of the Ukrainian delegation.
“We are focused on priority issues—people, a ceasefire, and a meeting of the leaders,” Umerov said afterward.
Both sides reportedly agreed to a humanitarian exchange involving over 1,200 individuals. Zelensky has previously emphasized the return of abducted Ukrainian children and an immediate ceasefire as critical goals.
On the Russian side, Putin’s aide and chief negotiator Vladimir Medinsky said Moscow proposed the creation of three online working groups to address political, military, and humanitarian concerns. Medinsky noted that any potential summit between leaders would require prior agreement on key topics.
Ukraine’s delegation also included Presidential Office head Andriy Yermak, First Deputy Foreign Minister Sergiy Kyslytsya, and deputy military intelligence chief Vadym Skybytskyi. Before the talks, Umerov’s team met with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Ankara.
Despite limited progress, both sides have negotiated several prisoner swaps since talks resumed. However, while Zelensky remains open to direct dialogue, Putin continues to avoid personal participation, sending lower-level officials in his place.
The talks have been overshadowed by widening gaps between the two countries’ demands, now complicated by growing international pressure. On July 14, US President Donald Trump warned that unless Russia agrees to end the war within 50 days, his administration would impose severe tariffs. Moscow has dismissed the threat. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov reaffirmed that Russia’s war objectives remain unchanged, signaling no readiness to scale back its demands.
Ukraine has called for a 30-day unconditional ceasefire—an initiative supported by the United States—but Russia has rejected the proposal. Kyslytsya, speaking to the Kyiv Independent on July 7, criticized Moscow’s approach as ultimatums, not genuine negotiations.
Amid the diplomatic efforts, Kyiv’s drone campaign continued. On July 22, Ukrainian drones struck targets in Novocherkassk, a key city in Russia’s Rostov Oblast, reportedly damaging infrastructure tied to the Russian military-industrial complex.
Ukrainian official Andrii Kovalenko said the attack targeted a railway hub essential for transporting Russian military supplies and personnel to the Ukrainian border. The city also hosts facilities of the 1061st Material and Technical Support Center of Russia’s Southern Military District.
Rostov Oblast Governor Yuri Slyusar confirmed multiple drone strikes, which triggered fires across Novocherkassk and injured three people. Local Telegram channels suggested that the city’s railway station and power plant may have been among the targets.
Russia’s Defense Ministry claimed to have downed 33 Ukrainian fixed-wing drones overnight, including 11 over Rostov Oblast, though it did not confirm any damage to strategic sites. Ukraine has not publicly commented on the strikes, and independent verification remains difficult.
In a separate development, Ukraine’s Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi told The Washington Post that Russia had suffered 80,000 casualties during Ukraine’s cross-border operation in Kursk Oblast. While Ukraine’s own losses were not disclosed, Syrskyi said Russia’s were significantly higher.
The operation, launched in August 2024, saw Ukrainian forces seize 1,300 square kilometers of Russian territory in the early months, aiming to divert Russian troops from eastern Ukraine and disrupt a potential invasion of Sumy Oblast.
Russia has since recaptured most of the territory and launched a counteroffensive—reportedly aided by 12,000 North Korean troops. Open-source analysts at DeepState confirm Ukraine still holds a narrow strip of Russian territory near the border.
Despite its initial success, the Kursk campaign has drawn mixed reviews. Critics argue it failed to halt Russia’s push in Donetsk and should have ended earlier to avoid prolonged losses. Nonetheless, Ukrainian leaders continue to highlight the toll it inflicted on Russian and North Korean forces.
Elsewhere, Russian forces have intensified a new offensive launched in May, aiming to penetrate Sumy and Dnipropetrovsk oblasts. Despite fierce Ukrainian resistance, Moscow continues to leverage its larger reserves and manpower.
Ukraine’s position is further complicated by its evolving relationship with Washington. While Trump has threatened tariffs and pledged new weapons—such as Patriot air defense systems—his proposed 50-day ceasefire deadline has sparked debate among Ukraine’s allies. EU Foreign Affairs Chief Kaja Kallas called the move a “strong stance” but warned that “50 days is a very long time when civilians are dying.”
Kremlin insiders, speaking to The Guardian, said Putin remains unfazed by Trump’s threats and sees them as an opportunity to push his maximalist goals. A former senior official noted that while Moscow once hoped for better relations with Trump, Putin’s vision of the Ukraine war as an existential battle takes precedence.
Meanwhile, Belarus may reverse its earlier decision to move the upcoming Zapad-2025 military drills inland, citing growing NATO activity near its borders. Deputy Defense Minister Pavel Muraveika said exercises could return to areas closer to Poland and Lithuania if the “aggressive narrative” from the West continues.
Set for mid-September, the drills will involve around 13,000 troops and are among the largest joint exercises between Belarus and Russia. NATO and Ukrainian officials have expressed concern about the timing of the drills amid the ongoing war.
Muraveika cited recent NATO maneuvers near Grodno and the movement of Lithuania’s Iron Wolf brigade as potential reasons to reallocate troops. While Belarus has not deployed its own forces in combat, it has provided crucial support to Russia, including launching areas for early missile strikes in 2022.
Meanwhile, for the first time since Russia’s full-scale invasion began in 2022, widespread protests have erupted across Ukraine, this time not against foreign aggression, but against President Zelensky himself.
The protests, which have drawn thousands to the streets of Kyiv, Lviv, Dnipro, and Odessa, were sparked by the recent passage of a controversial law that places Ukraine’s key anti-corruption institutions under the authority of the Prosecutor General’s Office—an office directly appointed by the president. Critics argue the legislation undermines the hard-won independence of bodies like the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), long viewed as central to Ukraine’s democratic reforms and EU aspirations.
Since the outbreak of war in 2022, President Zelensky has enjoyed immense domestic and international support as a wartime leader. This week’s demonstrations, however, mark a shift—signaling public discontent with what many see as a dangerous consolidation of power under the guise of wartime necessity.
The law passed swiftly through parliament and was signed by Zelensky, despite vocal opposition from civil society organizations, legal experts, and some members of his own Servant of the People party.
International partners, including the European Union, also expressed concern, warning that the changes could jeopardize Ukraine’s path toward EU membership.
In a televised statement, President Zelensky defended the new legislation as necessary for streamlining investigations and protecting institutions from foreign infiltration—specifically Russian efforts to destabilize Ukraine’s justice system from within.
“We cannot afford paralysis in our institutions during wartime,” Zelensky said. “We are not dismantling anti-corruption. We are strengthening its capacity to respond swiftly and securely.”
But the president’s assurances have not quelled growing unrest. Anti-corruption watchdogs warn the reform effectively places independent investigations under political control, a move they describe as a return to the centralized practices of Ukraine’s pre-Maidan era.
The protests come amid mounting signs of war fatigue among the Ukrainian population, which has endured more than three years of brutal conflict, displacement, and economic hardship. With the battlefield largely at a stalemate and reconstruction efforts lagging, attention is increasingly shifting toward issues of governance, transparency, and the integrity of democratic institutions.
“The fact that people are willing to take to the streets in the middle of an ongoing war speaks volumes,” said Ilya Berkovych, a political analyst in Lviv. “It shows that democracy still matters deeply to Ukrainians, even in the face of existential threats.”
Some observers say the current protests could evolve into a broader political movement—especially if international donors or EU institutions begin to apply pressure or suspend financial aid in response to the legislative changes.
If not reversed or amended, the legislation could complicate Ukraine’s efforts to position itself as a credible candidate for EU membership—a key goal for the post-Maidan political generation and a strategic priority amid the ongoing war.
Compiled by Ana Dumbadze