In the 1990s, Europe witnessed one of the most harrowing conflicts since World War II, which involved widespread war crimes, ethnic cleansing, genocide, and communities divided to this day. Various countries, including the United States, France, Russia, Germany, and the UK, played a paramount role in ending the Yugoslav Wars and resolving regional crises in the Balkans.

Differential foreign policies among various countries hindered a swift, decisive resolution of the multiple wars in the Balkans. Still, ultimately due to a coalition of the willing, the Yugoslav conflict ended decisively with NATO intervention. Nevertheless, the aftermath of the wars would not just grow NATO’s cohesion but also mold ire, anger, and rage in Russia and, more directly, an ascending Vladimir Putin.

The Yugoslav Wars and the Divergent Response

Against the backdrop of declarations of independence by Croatia, Slovenia, and Bosnia, the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) and Serbian militias in the Balkans launched attempts to create a “Greater Serbia” to consolidate as much land and communal resources as possible. While the Ten-Day War in Slovenia ended quickly, the Croatian War of Independence witnessed sieges of Vukovar and Dubrovnik, which saw historic European cities and history being destroyed.

The Croatian War of Independence occurred at a tumultuous time for the United States, as George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton were embroiled in the upcoming presidential election. It was up to Europe to step up and resolve the Yugoslav Wars in its backyard, but various geopolitical factors hindered a unified response.

Leading countries in the European Community (EC) could not initially reach a consensus among the various warring parties, as Germany had closer ties with Croatia and Slovenia. In contrast, Britain and France had strong relations with the Serbia/Yugoslav Federation. Later, during the Bosnian and Croatian War, the United States became embroiled in Operation Restore Hope in Somalia.

The Black Hawk Down incident and subsequent firefight against Somali insurgents gave a bad taste to the American reputation, which would hinder a response to the war in Croatia. Ultimately, Croatians themselves liberated their country in Operation Storm, which saw a major refugee crisis of ethnic Krajina Serbs.

Bosnian War and Cooperation with the Kremlin

Amid dysfunction, various foreign relations strategies, and a lack of will, the West would again face a critical test during the Bosnian War. The Bosnian War would see Serbs (Orthodox), Croats (Catholics), and Bosniaks (Muslims) all attempt to create their own states in the country known for its diverse cultures.

Akin to Croatia, the Yugoslav military and Bosnian Serb militias attempted to grab as much territory as possible, but Bosnia had been much more historically closer to Serbia than Croatia. Because of this, Bill Clinton needed Russia’s support.

Russia’s stance in the Yugoslav wars leaned heavily towards Serbia, as Russians, like Serbs, were Orthodox Christians and had been historically close since the 1800s. Furthermore, the Kremlin supported Yugoslavia’s territorial integrity.

Amid the gridlock to get all major powers on the same page to solve the ongoing wars, Bosnia would become the deadliest with the Siege of Sarajevo and the Srebrenica massacre—the latter of which saw the genocide of Bosniak males and boys by Bosnian Serb militias.

A major turning point came with the Second Markale Massacre when a mortar shell fired from the Army of Republika Srpska killed 43 civilians and wounded a further 75. No longer could the international community stand idle, and Clinton would work behind the scenes for a major United Nations and NATO intervention with Russia.

NATO would intervene in Operation Deliberate Force, which saw numerous pieces of heavy equipment and entrenched positions of the Army of Republika Srpska destroyed. The results helped lift the Siege of Sarajevo and would help establish the Implementation Force (IFOR), which replaced the more dysfunctional and unprepared UN Protection Force (UNPROFOR).

What made IFOR crucial was the cooperation with Russia, which dispatched the 1st Separate Assault Brigade alongside a multinational force, but this came with concessions. As mentioned before, Russia did not want to be a participant in Yugoslavia, nor another major refugee crisis that the Krajina Serbs suffered in Croatia.

During the Dayton Accords, Clinton allowed Bosnian Serbs to have their own entity with the aforementioned Republika Srpska, but it was not allowed to unify or be annexed by Yugoslavia. Dayton today remains shaky, but the Accords kept Russia on the table for international settlements, which several years later would be heavily tested in Kosovo.

The Kosovo War and Calling Yeltsin’s Bluff

In Kosovo, Kosovar Albanians, who constituted the majority, fought for self-determination and independence from Serbia. Belgrade considers Pristina an integral part of its country and is willing to fight to the death for it.

During the Kosovo War, the JNA once again attempted genocidal actions through ethnic cleansing of the Kosovar Albanians, which enraged NATO members who wanted to end all military actions in the Western Balkans.

Furthermore, domestic pressure mounted in Russia as NATO continued to grow, much to the ire of Russian nationalists, while Yeltsin’s policies continued to lag at home. Given that Serbs are seen as closely related to Russians, Yeltsin found himself at the crossroads of his close relations with the West and his people’s interests.

Unlike the common consensus reached in Bosnia, Clinton knew Russia would use their UN Security Council veto to block any NATO-led military actions to end the ethnic cleansing of Kosovar Albanians. NATO would ultimately intervene without a UN Security Council Resolution—angering Russia and humiliating Yeltsin in the eyes of the Federation.

Despite condemnations and drift in relations, Russia did not militarily retaliate or defend Serbia—exposing Moscow’s red lines as minuscule. Instead, Yeltsin dispatched his aides to Belgrade to force Serbia to capitulate before the war became more chaotic, which effectively ended the conflict and ethnic cleansing.

Against the backdrop of the Serbian capitulation, Russian forces, numbering a few hundred in Bosnia, raced to control Pristina’s strategic airport before NATO members. The race to their airport nearly sparked a war between Moscow and the West and showed the world that Russia would return to the international fold, with or without Yeltsin.

Aftermath and Rise of Russian Ultranationalists

The aftermath of the Yugoslav wars brought NATO into a more cohesive alliance that veered into different foreign policies during the post-Cold War period. However, the war would only bring out the dormant Russian ultranationalism that lay dormant after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

To this day, Russia considers the Kosovo War an illegal intervention and ‘humiliation’ to reconciliatory efforts, despite knowing the actions of Serbia were in themselves war crimes. Already facing renewed hostilities with Chechnya, one of Yeltsin’s top aides, Vladimir Putin, would rise to power.

Putin’s rise was supported by Russian nationalists and ultranationalists who felt humiliated during the Yugoslav wars. The Kremlin would mold Russian society to choose security and strength over democracy and good relations. Furthermore, Russia would use Kosovo as a precedent and excuse to annex sovereign Ukrainian territory illegally today.

The Yugoslav Wars played a critical role in keeping NATO a cohesive defense alliance after various members veered in different directions in the post-Cold War period. However, ire, discontent, and humiliation of calling Russia’s bluff would only awaken the dormant and dangerous Russian irredentism NATO originally defeated—leading to the rise of an unpredictable Kremlin that now chooses war, fear, and authoritarianism over positive relations.