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Steep rainbow coloured steps lead us up through the shantytown known as âVenezuelaâ. Each rise is painted with a slogan: love, gratitude, respect, empathy, understanding, peace, protection and so on â each uphill heave, a sign of hope over experience.
This is a staircase in a Colombian favela entirely populated by Venezuelans. And run entirely by Tren de Aragua â the regionâs biggest transnational narco-gang. Its residents are safe here.
They are among the 8 million Venezuelans who have fled their homeland over the dozen years of Nicolas Maduroâs presidency.

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Some 8 million Venezuelans have fled their homeland over the dozen years of Nicolas Maduroâs presidency (Sam Kiley/The Independent)
His rule was marked by repression and economic collapse under US sanctions and a mass exodus of the like seen only at time of war. Yet after he was removed at the weekend, no one here is in a hurry to return home.
Donald Trumpâs capture of Venezuelaâs president in a clinical but violent raid on his compound at the heart of Caracas on Saturday, and his subsequent boasts that the US would now run the country are greeted with some enthusiasm.
Despite having targeted North American democracy, eroded the powers of the US judiciary and attacked any aspect of the constitution that limits presidential power, Trump is seen here as a glowing ember of hope.

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Trump says that through US rule Venezuela will see a return of American oil companies and that it must open its economy to US businesses (Sam Kiley/The Independent)
He says Venezuela will be run by America remotely and the government that Maduro controlled until last Saturday is still in place.
Trump also says that through US rule Venezuela will see a return of American oil companies and that it must open its economy to US businesses.
Thatâs fine as far as Cilinia Suarez, a 34-year-old mother-of-two living in the favela, is concerned.
âWe have to wait and see what will happen in the future,â she says. âI don’t know what kind of reconstruction there will be. I would like the companies that President Chavez [Maduroâs hardline socialist mentor] blocked and dispossessed to return to Venezuela.
âWhen the companies return to Venezuela it will be a little more comfortable. When the medicines, food, and wellbeing of Venezuela arrive, the good doctors, we will return home.â
Ms Suarez was a butcher. She fled to Colombia in 2020 because her children, she says, were close to starvation and her husband could not find work.
While governments and commentators around the world have been outraged by Trumpâs violation of Venezuelaâs sovereignty and international law â and while he has now turned his attention to a possible takeover of Greenland â Ms Suarez is keen on his invasion of her homeland.
âWhat Trump wants is that they no longer do what Maduro did,â she says: âHe ordered people to kill others. In Venezuela, you canât talk about the government because they send you to jail. Trump says leave the people alone.
âThey have to listen to what Trump says,â she insists.

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Many say the greatest threat to Venezuela now is from the âcollectivosâ (Sam Kiley/The Independent)
A muscular youth with a torso clothed only in tattoos stands nearby. He is the only evidence that, although Ms Suarez can say what she wants about Maduro, she can say nothing bad about the Tren de Aragua, the people-smuggling drug thugs that rule this patch of Venezuela in Colombia.
But the gangs have grown out of Maduroâs misrule. Many of his top henchmen are still in power and still in business with the âmegabandasâ, as the transnational organised criminals are known.
Ms Suarez hails her neighbour, Weinnifer Sojo, 30, a mother-of-two, nearby by whistling and tossing pebbles onto her roof.
Ms Sojo, a former opposition party activist and soldier in Venezuela, agrees that Maduroâs kidnapping by the US is to be celebrated. But not with a return home, yet.
Both say the greatest threat to their country now is from the âcollectivosâ. These are armed gangs of pro-government loyalists. Once formed to protect neighbourhoods, they have since evolved into a lawless network running protection rackets and other crimes, which give them financial autonomy. Theyâre most often described as being under the control of Venezuelaâs interior minister Diosdado Cabello.
Sanctioned by the EU and the US, Cabello is often seen as more powerful and repressive than former president Maduro. Along with defence minister Vladimir Padrino Lopez, he has been accused of being at the centre of the countryâs most repressive actions and alleged criminal activities.

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Rainbow steps painted with words in the shantytown known as âVenezuelaâ (Sam Kiley/The Independent)
Both men remain in office under the recently sworn-in former vice-president Delcy Rodriguez. Her brother, Jorge, presided over her inauguration in the National Assembly, proving Maduroâs system of government is entirely intact.
From the US perspective, this may be sensible. It shows no regard for the democratic ambitions of Venezuelaâs population, but it does not risk the mistakes of the US-led occupation of Iraq when the power structures built by Saddam Hussein were swept away and drove thousands into terror groups.
The âVenezuelaâ favela sits within the Esperanza (Hope) neighbourhood. It is close to the Simon Bolivar Bridge that straddles the border with Venezuela proper.
Juan Giraldo is demonstrating for the release of his father, Javier, who was detained in Venezuela four years ago or âkidnappedâ, as he put it. Javier is, he says, accused of terrorism and other acts of sedition.
Venezuelan human rights group Foro Penal says that there are 863 political prisoners in the country as of December last year,o but about 10,000 others who are out of prison but under ârestricted behaviourâ.
For Mr Giraldo, Trumpâs intervention and removal of Maduro offer hope that he may see his father again.

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Demonstrators protest against the detention of political prisoners (Sam Kiley/The Independent)
âI am sure I am sure because Delcy Rodriguez is smarter than Maduro. Delcy Rodriguez will release [my father] this week. Political prisoners will be free this week,â he insists.â
Be smart, Marco Rubio,â he adds. âBe smart, Trump. Maybe we need new elections in Venezuela overseen by the United States. We need real democracy.â
But democracy is not on Trumpâs agenda for Venezuela, the country. And on the stairs inside the shanty town of the same name, the painted steps do not show the most dangerous word of all, âEsperanzaâââ hope.