Tigray stands at a historic crossroads. The devastation of “genocide,” the erosion of sovereignty, and the fragmentation of political leadership demand a strategic realignment. While the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) once embodied Tigrayan resistance and self-rule, its current leadership; divided, discredited, and directionless; can no longer credibly lead the national cause. A third nationalist bloc is no longer optional; it is a political necessity.
Responsibility Without Equivalence
There should be no confusion or moral equivalence. The genocide against the people of Tigray was perpetrated by Ethiopia’s federal leadership under Abiy Ahmed, Eritrea’s regime under Isaias Afwerki, and allied Amhara elites. They are the primary architects and executors of mass violence.
Yet responsibility does not end there. The leadership of TPLF must also be held accountable for catastrophic strategic failure. It failed to defend the population, failed to prevent genocide, and failed to preserve political unity in the aftermath. To date, there has been no genuine reckoning, no collective admission of error, and no serious attempt at renewal.
From The Reporter Magazine
A Party Split, A Nation Stuck
Today, the TPLF is fractured into two dominant factions: the old guard, backed by segments of the military leadership, currently holding a temporary upper hand inside Tigray; and the splinter faction, politically displaced and increasingly dependent on Addis Ababa, having thrown itself at the mercy of the ruling Prosperity Party (PP).
Both factions continue to claim national leadership while pulling Tigray in opposite and equally dangerous directions. Worse still, both camps continue to dominate the political space, leaving no room for genuine nationalist alternatives.
From The Reporter Magazine
The Addis Ababa–based faction has already splintered further and is now coalescing around what is being marketed as a “coalition for change.” I was among those who contributed to the initial formation of this coalition. From the outset, however, I warned that any legitimate coalition must be rooted in Tigray; by Tigrayans and for Tigrayans.
That warning was ignored.
The result is a coalition increasingly and correctly perceived as sponsored, shaped, and ultimately instrumentalized by Prosperity Party interests. Its political function is not national liberation, but the managed reintegration and subjugation of Tigray under Shewa dominance.
Why Nationalist Parties Must Refuse False Choices
Tigrayan nationalist parties now face two false options: either join Addis-centered coalitions aligned with PP, thereby alienating their nationalist base and legitimizing a project of national subjugation, or become junior partners to the old-guard TPLF, offering symbolic support without real power, while repeating the same leadership failures that led to catastrophe.
Both paths lead to political irrelevance at best—and historical complicity at worst.
The Case for a Third Nationalist Bloc
This piece proposes the formation of a third nationalist bloc, led primarily by Tigray Independence Party (TIP) and Salsay Woyane Party, as an independent, principled alternative.
The rationale is clear:
Tigrayan Nationalism Is Under Coordinated Attack
Tigrayan nationalism is being systematically undermined; from outside by hostile states and from within by fragmented, compromised elites. Without an organized nationalist front, the political center of gravity will continue to shift away from national self-determination.
Neither TPLF Faction Can Lead Change
Any coalition led by either TPLF faction will inevitably reproduce the same structural failures: centralized control, elite insulation, and strategic miscalculation. Renewal cannot come from those unwilling to acknowledge responsibility.
Nationalists Must Avoid Shewa-Centered and PP-Engineered Projects
Alignment with PP forces, or worse, with newly fabricated “awraja parties” designed to fragment national unity, will only distance nationalist parties from their natural constituency. These projects are instruments of control, not vehicles of liberation.
The Diaspora Has a Strategic Role to Play
Nationalist Tigrayans, particularly in the diaspora, must move beyond commentary and assume organizational responsibility. Support is required in two critical forms: financial backing of the nationalist bloc and political pressure on military leadership to engage constructively with an independent nationalist front rather than with factional politics.
The Third Bloc Must Project Clarity, Resolve, and Separation
This bloc must send an unmistakable message: it is neither an extension of the old guard nor an appendage of Shewa-based power. Its identity must be rooted in Tigrayan nationalism, sovereignty, and collective dignity.
Inclusive but Vigilant Governance
The third bloc should advocate for an inclusive and representative government in Tigray. However, inclusivity must not become a Trojan horse for the infiltration of PP agents or external interests. Openness must be balanced with institutional safeguards and political discipline.
Conclusion: A Moment That Will Not Return
Tigray cannot afford another decade of elite recycling, factional maneuvering, or externally engineered coalitions. History will not judge intentions—it will judge outcomes.
The formation of a third nationalist bloc is not an act of division; it is an act of political responsibility. It is the only viable path toward reclaiming agency, restoring trust, and re-centering the national struggle on the people of Tigray themselves.
The moment demands courage, clarity, and organization. Delay will only deepen dependency. The choice is stark: renewal through principled nationalism—or managed decline under others’ terms.
Contributed by Mersea Kidan