By Abdiaziz Hassan Giyaajo Amalo
Sunday October 4, 2026
Somalia’s federal system was designed to distribute political authority among regions and communities rather than allow key institutions to become concentrated within one political or clan network. However, concerns have emerged about the concentration of influential positions in Villa Somalia, Banadir and Hirshabelle among politicians associated with the Abgaal.
The issue is not whether members of one clan should be excluded from public office. Every Somali citizen should have the right to participate in government regardless of clan identity. The concern arises when several strategically important institutions and territories appear to be dominated by the same sub-clan, particularly in a country where political legitimacy has historically depended on negotiated power-sharing.
Somalia’s political system has relied on arrangements intended to accommodate the country’s major clan communities. The 4.5 formula, for example, was developed to distribute political representation among the major clan families and minority communities. The Constitution also establishes a federal structure in which federal member states are represented at the national level, including through the Upper House of Parliament.
The central question, therefore, is whether political institutions are sufficiently inclusive and whether citizens and regions believe that national resources, appointments, security institutions and political opportunities are being distributed fairly.
Hirshabelle
Hirshabelle is a central example of these concerns. The state was created in 2016 from Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle, but its political settlement has repeatedly been contested because of disagreements over the distribution of power between the two regions.
The election of Ali Abdullahi Hussein Guudlaawe, an Abgaal politician, as president in 2020 generated concerns among Hawadle political figures about the balance of power within Hirshabelle. These disagreements have continued into the current electoral cycle.
The unresolved tensions between Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle demonstrate the risks of political arrangements perceived by one community as unfair. Competing interpretations of the state’s power-sharing framework have contributed to instability and weakened confidence in its institutions.
Banadir and Villa Somalia
Banadir represents another important dimension of the debate. Mogadishu is the seat of Somalia’s Federal Government, while the Banadir Regional Administration is directly administered under the federal system. Because the capital hosts the country’s principal political and administrative institutions, influence over Banadir carries considerable national significance.
Villa Somalia, as the center of the Federal Government, also plays a decisive role in national appointments, policy-making and political negotiations. When influence over Villa Somalia, Banadir and Hirshabelle is perceived as concentrated within one clan ( Abgaal), other communities may question whether the federal system is operating inclusively.
These perceptions can weaken public trust even when appointments are formally lawful. Inclusive governance therefore requires not only constitutional authority but also transparency, consultation and confidence among the communities affected by political decisions.
Institutional Safeguards
A sustainable federal system cannot depend on one clan or sub-clan controlling particular political centers indefinitely. Nor should any community be excluded simply because another community has historically held certain positions. Leadership should change through transparent elections, constitutional procedures and negotiated political settlements rather than through permanent clan ownership of public institutions.
Several safeguards can strengthen confidence in the system:
● Transparent appointments: Public offices should be filled through clear, merit-based and legally defined procedures.
● Balanced representation: Federal and regional institutions should reflect the diversity of the communities they serve.
● Effective federalism: Federal member states should have meaningful participation in national decision-making.
● Constitutional oversight: Disputes over elections, appointments and regional authority should be addressed through independent legal and parliamentary mechanisms.
● Inclusive security institutions: Security forces should serve the public and avoid perceptions of control by one clan or political faction.
● Regular consultation: National and regional leaders should engage communities before making decisions that affect power-sharing arrangements.
These safeguards would help ensure that political competition is managed through institutions rather than through clan-based confrontation.
Recommendations
Somalia should pursue a political culture in which public office belongs to citizens and constitutional institutions—not to clans. Fair representation does not require excluding the Habargidir , Hawaadle, Mursade, Gaaljecel, Jareer Weyn, Reer Xamar, Arab Somali, Gugundhabe, Darood, Dir, Digil-Mirifle or any other community. It requires ensuring that no single community is perceived as having permanent ownership of the country’s most important political institutions.
To advance this goal, Somalia should:
1. Review power-sharing arrangements in Hirshabelle through an inclusive dialogue involving Hiiraan, Middle Shabelle and other relevant stakeholders.
2. Strengthen the constitutional status and representative governance of Banadir.
3. Improve transparency in appointments to federal and regional offices.
4. Ensure that federal member states participate meaningfully in national political decisions.
5. Establish credible mechanisms for resolving electoral and constitutional disputes.
6. Promote national citizenship and institutional accountability alongside community representation.
The long-term test of Somalia’s federal system will be whether every community can see itself represented in government, whether regional grievances can be resolved peacefully, and whether political authority can change hands through legitimate constitutional and electoral processes. These principles are essential to building a stable and genuinely inclusive Somali state.
Abdiaziz Hassan Giyaajo Amalo