Intense debate and preliminary outline
The challenge of gender parity
As part of the negotiations and consultations launched by the Prime Minister to form Morocco’s next government, El Mansouri stated that the aim is to establish a new political government based on an alliance with the parties of the National Bloc, which comprises the Istiqlal Party of Independence, the Party of Progress and Socialism (PPS) and the Socialist Union of Popular Forces Party (PUSFP).
In parallel with this, some political parties have held extraordinary sessions of their national councils; for example, the PPS plans to organise an extraordinary session of its Central Committee to present the results of the consultations with El Mansouri – whether from the first or second round – and reach a final decision.
Fátima Zahra Mansouri, during a meeting of Aziz Akhannouch’s government team – PHOTO/ARCHIVE
Intense debate and preliminary outline
El Mansouri announced the start of decisive talks, throughout this week, to determine which political parties will form part of the next governing majority led by the first female head of government in Morocco’s history, following the PAM’s victory in the parliamentary elections held on 23 September.
Following the consultations, the final composition of the government appears to be clear to El Mansouri. However, its confirmation and subsequent communication to King Mohammed VI, who tasked her with forming a government, will be the decisive steps before the official announcement.
In this context, the possibility of expanding the governing majority to include the Constitutional Union or the Popular Movement is being considered, against a backdrop of uncertainty regarding the participation of the National Rally of Independents (RNI), whose entry into the Executive has been vetoed by several parties led by the Party of Progress and Socialism.
The absence of ‘red lines’ in the negotiations led by El Mansouri leaves several options open, including the continuation of the alliance between the RNI, the PAM and Istiqlal. However, a move such as a possible realignment of these three parties’ positions could complicate the formation of the new majority.
During this process, regarded as a key moment in defining the PAM’s strategy and its potential alliances, Nizar Baraka, secretary-general of Istiqlal, stated that he had received information regarding a possible decision by the PAM not to renew its agreement with the RNI.
Negotiations on the next government will be shaped by ministerial appointments, the number of portfolios and the allocation of strategic sectors. Among these, agriculture stands out as a particularly important area for the RNI due to its political and financial significance. This is why the PAM would also seek to maintain its influence.
Nizar Baraka, Morocco’s Minister for Infrastructure and Water – PHOTO/ARCHIVE
Allocation of portfolios
At the same time, opening up dialogue to parties outside the previous coalition could broaden the range of options for forming a majority. Negotiations could be based on a common political programme, as well as on agreements regarding the division of responsibilities amongst the various political forces.
This option leaves open the possibility of a broader majority and a new distribution of portfolios, contingent upon the political balance of power and the agreements reached between the parties; this could potentially include the Popular Movement Party, the Socialist Union of Popular Forces, the Progress and Socialism Party, the Constitutional Union and the Social Democratic Movement.
Apart from the negotiations to form the future government majority, the Justice and Development Party (PJD) stands outside the negotiations after announcing its decision to move into opposition immediately upon learning the election results. This position also stems from the ideological differences between the PJD and the parties involved in the talks to form the next government.
The Left Alliance has also adopted this stance, having likewise confirmed its decision to remain in opposition. Both parties are thus excluded from the consultations to form the government majority that will lead Morocco until the 2030 World Cup, whilst the other parties press ahead with finalising agreements and the distribution of responsibilities within the new government.
Fátima Ezzahra El Mansouri, Prime Minister of Morocco – PHOTO/@elmansourif75
The challenge of gender parity
With the formation of the new government led by Fatima Zahra El Mansouri, the representation of women in the executive branch is once again at the centre of Moroccan political debate. The results of the 23 September elections have shaped a new parliamentary landscape that will determine the composition of the next governing majority and, with it, the allocation of ministerial portfolios.
Compared with the previous government, the number of female ministers remained limited relative to that of men, which presents El Mansouri’s government with a new test in its efforts to move towards effective gender parity within the executive branch, beyond mere statistics.
In this context, consultations to form the new government could incorporate this principle into the selection of candidates, encouraging the inclusion of women in the parties’ proposals and, in turn, paving the way for future legal reforms aimed at strengthening the political participation of Moroccan women.
Although the Moroccan Constitution enshrines the principle of parity and equality between men and women, the distribution of ministerial portfolios will be the decisive factor in determining whether the new structure of the Executive represents progress in terms of female representation and gender balance in the main decision-making centres.
In fact, the true test for women’s representation in the new government will lie in the significance of the portfolios assigned to women and their presence in strategic and sovereign sectors, with a real capacity to influence decision-making. This would represent a significant step towards effective political empowerment.
Conversely, if female ministers are confined to areas considered secondary or of lesser political importance, this could merely result in formal or numerical representation without altering the traditional structure of decision-making centres or gender roles.