{"id":53194,"date":"2026-07-18T11:17:25","date_gmt":"2026-07-18T11:17:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/australia\/53194\/"},"modified":"2026-07-18T11:17:25","modified_gmt":"2026-07-18T11:17:25","slug":"modi-marvels-melbourne-while-equality-justice-and-pluralism-plummet-back-in-india-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/australia\/53194\/","title":{"rendered":"Modi marvels Melbourne while equality, justice and pluralism plummet back in India"},"content":{"rendered":"

India\u2019s future hinges on recommitting to principles of equality, justice, and pluralism \u2014 cornerstones for a resilient democracy capable of embracing its diversity, writes Dr M. Adil Khan<\/a>.<\/p>\n

ORGANISED BY Australia\u2019s Overseas Friends of Bharatiya Janata Party Australia\u00a0(OFBJP<\/a>),\u00a0the recent \u201cMelbourne Meets Modi<\/a>\u201d\u00a0visit of India\u2019s Prime Minister Narendra Modi<\/a>\u00a0has been a resounding success.<\/p>\n

Modi was received warmly by the packed \u201cIndian Australians\u201d in Melbourne’s Marvel Stadium<\/a>, beyond the official protocol of an unofficial visit of a foreign head of government. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese<\/a> and Victorian Premier Jacinta Allan<\/a> \u201clent it the full authority of their offices<\/a>\u201d.<\/p>\n

According to the Financial Review<\/a>, the OFBJP, the organiser of the visit, which aims ‘to project a positive and correct image of India and BJP to the Western world’, also aims to ‘correct the \u201cdistortions\u201d spread by the party\u2019s adversaries’.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

Screenshot of Indian Prime Minister Modi’s social media post<\/a> thanking the people of Melbourne for a warm welcome.<\/p>\n

In other words, the “Melbourne Meets Modi”\u00a0event has been \u201can image-management operation\u201d aimed at Australia.<\/p>\n

On the face of it, and judging from the hugging of\u00a0Modi and the broad smiles he got from Albanese, the visit seems to have been a resounding success.<\/p>\n

Indeed, OFBJP may pat itself on the back for successfully accomplishing its objective, \u201cimage management operation,\u201d in Australia and yet facts on the ground tell a very different story.\u00a0It is such the rapturous endorsement of a certain section of the Indians, of Modi and his Hindutva policy (a sectarian project to persecute and marginalise the minorities, mainly the Muslims) which may in fact be journeying India \u2013 “British”\u00a0India \u2013 to its third rupture.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Time to educate ourselves.<\/p>\n

\"Donald<\/a><\/p>\n

British India\u2019s ruptures<\/p>\n

The history of “British”\u00a0India is marked by profound ruptures that shaped the subcontinent\u2019s political landscape. Two major breaks \u2013\u00a0the 1947 Partition<\/a> and the 1971 creation of Bangladesh<\/a> \u2013\u00a0arose from deep-rooted group-based structural injustices.<\/p>\n

Today, echoes of these unresolved tensions foreshadow a potential third rupture within current India, underscoring the enduring challenge of managing diversity through equitable governance.<\/p>\n

First Rupture: The 1947 Partition<\/p>\n

When British colonial rule<\/a> ended, “British”\u00a0India was divided primarily along religious lines into two sovereign states: Hindu-majority India and Muslim-majority Pakistan. This division was a direct consequence of Muslims\u2019 fears of permanent political and social marginalisation in a Hindu-dominated India.<\/p>\n

Muslim leaders sought a confederated structure to safeguard autonomy within India, but the Hindu-led leadership\u2019s refusal catalysed partition. This rupture was not merely territorial, but a fracture rooted in systemic fears and structural inequities.<\/p>\n

Second Rupture: The Birth of Bangladesh in 1971<\/p>\n

Pakistan\u2019s own fissures manifested in 1971, when East Pakistan, geographically and culturally distinct, endured prolonged political and economic discrimination by West Pakistan\u2019s ruling elite. The failure to redress these injustices sparked civil war and ultimately the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation.<\/p>\n

Like the initial partition, this rupture was a stark reminder that unresolved, institutionalised discrimination among groups leads to violent separation.<\/p>\n

Ruptures elsewhere<\/p>\n

Similar patterns of division have appeared worldwide. The fragmentation of Yugoslavia in the 1990s<\/a> was driven by ethnic rivalries and institutionalised inequalities. Such examples illustrate the fragile nature of “countries” \u2014 largely colonial constructs reliant on inclusive governance.<\/p>\n

True nationhood emerges when states treat all their citizens equitably, fostering unity amid diversity.<\/p>\n

\"Australia's<\/a><\/p>\n

Contemporary India: Warning signs of a Third Rupture<\/p>\n

Nearly eight decades after the Partition of the Indian subcontinent, currently, the Hindu-majority India hosts approximately 200 million Muslims \u2014 about 15%\u00a0of its population, implying that Muslims are an integral part of India\u2019s broader social fabric.<\/p>\n

Yet, recent years have witnessed escalating sectarianism, widespread persecution of Muslims, often linked to the rise of Hindu majoritarianism under Prime Minister Narendra Modi\u2019s leadership<\/a>. This has included violent acts, social exclusion, and discriminatory policies.<\/p>\n

Modi\u2019s Hindutva, ‘\u201c\u2026a new virus\u2026that refurbishes the lung but debilitates the brain”,\u00a0has gripped India so completely and so infectiously…’\u00a0that a phenomenon which began with the Muslims has since extended to Christians and Buddhist minorities as well as the Dalits, the low-caste Hindus.<\/p>\n

According to Noam Chomsky<\/a>, under Modi and his BJP\u2019s Hindutva policy, India\u2019s democracy has since morphed into an \u201cethnocracy\u201d, meaning persecution of minorities with \u201cmajoritarian consensus.\u201d<\/p>\n

Such systemic marginalisation of minorities not only threatens communal harmony and undermines social cohesion but also subverts transparency and accountability in governance, impeding economic growth and social equity.<\/p>\n

For example, a recent study<\/a> has revealed that India\u2019s economy has slowed; youth unemployment is high; and, after a long time, India is now a country of mass poverty.<\/p>\n

\"Labor's<\/a><\/p>\n

Furthermore, thanks to Modi\u2019s promotion of crony capitalism, the income gap between the rich and poor in India is at a historical high\u00a0\u2014\u00a0the top 10% and top 1% own respectively 57% and 22% of the total national income, and in recent times, the share of the top 1% has doubled.<\/p>\n

There is little doubt that together, sectarianism, crony capitalism, and the erosion of democratic values are weakening India\u2019s internal bonds and its economy, serving as a reminder of the legacy of “British”\u00a0India\u2019s past ruptures and a cautionary note that when injustice and exclusion persist across group lines, national unity deteriorates, the economy stagnates, risking violent fragmentation.<\/p>\n

India\u2019s future hinges on recommitting to principles of equality, justice, and pluralism \u2014\u00a0cornerstones for a resilient democracy capable of embracing its diversity.<\/p>\n

This challenge transcends India\u2019s borders, bearing significance for nations worldwide grappling with postcolonial identities and fragmentations.<\/p>\n

For countries like Australia, fostering a partnership with a stable, inclusive India is not only a diplomatic priority but a strategic necessity rooted in shared values and mutual prosperity.<\/p>\n

Professor\u00a0Adil Khan\u00a0<\/a>is\u00a0an adjunct professor<\/a>\u00a0at the School of Social Sciences, University of Queensland and a former senior policy manager of the United Nations.\u00a0Adil\u00a0<\/a>is also a member of the Rohingya Support Group, Queensland.<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\tSupport independent journalism Subscribe<\/a>\u00a0to IA.\n\t\t<\/p>\n

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\t\t\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

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