{"id":31301,"date":"2026-03-21T12:38:06","date_gmt":"2026-03-21T12:38:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/31301\/"},"modified":"2026-03-21T12:38:06","modified_gmt":"2026-03-21T12:38:06","slug":"jak-se-meni-rezim-bez-prevratu-playbook-moderni-moci-krok-za-krokem","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/31301\/","title":{"rendered":"Jak se m\u011bn\u00ed re\u017eim bez p\u0159evratu: Playbook modern\u00ed moci krok za krokem"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tKdy\u017e se \u0159ekne revoluce, v\u011bt\u0161ina lid\u00ed si p\u0159edstav\u00ed barik\u00e1dy, krev, voj\u00e1ky a p\u0159evrat proveden\u00fd hrubou silou. Jen\u017ee posledn\u00edch p\u011btadvacet let uk\u00e1zalo, \u017ee moc se d\u00e1 l\u00e1mat i jinak. Bez tank\u016f, bez bombardov\u00e1n\u00ed, bez ofici\u00e1ln\u00ed invaze. Sta\u010d\u00ed dob\u0159e na\u010dasovan\u00e1 krize, sporn\u00e9 volby, profesion\u00e1ln\u011b \u0159\u00edzen\u00e1 ulice, chyt\u0159e zvolen\u00e1 hesla, siln\u00e9 symboly, pe\u010dliv\u011b vybran\u00ed hrdinov\u00e9 a p\u0159edem ozna\u010den\u00fd nep\u0159\u00edtel.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tV\u00fdsledek pak m\u016f\u017ee p\u016fsobit jako organick\u00e9 a spont\u00e1nn\u00ed probuzen\u00ed ob\u010dansk\u00e9 spole\u010dnosti zezdola. Ve skute\u010dnosti ale \u010dasto nejde o improvizaci, n\u00fdbr\u017e o p\u0159edem p\u0159ipraven\u00fd a shora \u0159\u00edzen\u00fd proces, kter\u00fd se opakuje podle osv\u011bd\u010den\u00e9ho manu\u00e1lu tzv. \u201ebarevn\u00e9 revoluce\u201c.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tAni samotn\u00e9 ozna\u010den\u00ed nen\u00ed n\u00e1hodn\u00e9. Ka\u017ed\u00e9 takov\u00e9 hnut\u00ed dost\u00e1v\u00e1 snadno zapamatovatelnou zna\u010dku, kter\u00e1 se dob\u0159e vyj\u00edm\u00e1 na transparentech i v zahrani\u010dn\u00edch m\u00e9di\u00edch. V Gruzii v roce 2003 to byla r\u016f\u017ee, na Ukrajin\u011b v roce 2004 oran\u017eov\u00e1 (stejn\u00fd manu\u00e1l se v upraven\u00e9 podob\u011b objevil i v roce 2014), v Kyrgyzst\u00e1nu v roce 2005 tulip\u00e1n, v Libanonu t\u00e9ho\u017e roku cedr. Symbol nen\u00ed detail. Je to marketingov\u00fd n\u00e1stroj. Z nep\u0159ehledn\u00e9ho politick\u00e9ho st\u0159etu d\u011bl\u00e1 srozumiteln\u00fd p\u0159\u00edb\u011bh se silnou emoc\u00ed a jednoduch\u00fdm rozd\u011blen\u00edm rol\u00ed: tady stoj\u00ed lid, tam stoj\u00ed re\u017eim.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tPr\u00e1v\u011b v tom spo\u010d\u00edv\u00e1 podstata cel\u00e9 v\u011bci. Barevn\u00e1 revoluce toti\u017e nen\u00ed jen protest. Je to model zm\u011bny moci bez form\u00e1ln\u00ed v\u00e1lky. Navenek \u201eob\u010dansk\u00e1 mobilizace za svobodu, demokracii a lidsk\u00e1 pr\u00e1va\u201c, ve skute\u010dnosti v\u0161ak sofistikovan\u00fd syst\u00e9m vytv\u00e1\u0159en\u00ed politick\u00e9ho tlaku, kter\u00fd pracuje s frustrac\u00ed spole\u010dnosti jako se surovinou.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tA\u0165 u\u017e m\u00e1 nespokojenost lid\u00ed legitimn\u00ed z\u00e1klad, nebo je vyvol\u00e1na um\u011ble, podstatn\u00e9 je n\u011bco jin\u00e9ho: tento negativn\u00ed n\u00e1boj je systematicky zesilov\u00e1n, p\u0159i\u017eivov\u00e1n a usm\u011br\u0148ov\u00e1n ke konkr\u00e9tn\u00edmu c\u00edli. V ur\u010dit\u00e9 chv\u00edli u\u017e nejde jen o vyj\u00e1d\u0159en\u00ed n\u00e1zoru, ale o nal\u00e9hav\u00fd pocit, \u017ee je nutn\u00e9 jednat \u2013 hned, bez odkladu, ve sporu dobra proti zlu.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tV tu chv\u00edli se z ob\u010dansk\u00e9 iniciativy st\u00e1v\u00e1 s\u00edla, kter\u00e1 m\u016f\u017ee bez jedin\u00e9ho v\u00fdst\u0159elu p\u0159epsat politickou realitu cel\u00e9 zem\u011b. Pr\u00e1v\u011b proto, \u017ee jde o sofistikovanou psychologickou hru, vyvol\u00e1vaj\u00ed barevn\u00e9 revoluce siln\u00e9 emoce je\u0161t\u011b des\u00edtky let pot\u00e9.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tPro jedny jsou triumfem svobody, pro druh\u00e9 precizn\u011b zvl\u00e1dnutou operac\u00ed slou\u017e\u00edc\u00ed k napln\u011bn\u00ed konkr\u00e9tn\u00edch politick\u00fdch a ekonomick\u00fdch z\u00e1jm\u016f.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<\/p>\n<p>\t\t\t\tFotogalerie: &#8211; Pln\u00e1 Letn\u00e1?<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tJAK SE RE\u017dIM L\u00c1ME ZEVNIT\u0158: MANU\u00c1L KROK ZA KROKEM<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tBarevn\u00e9 revoluce postupuj\u00ed podle p\u0159ekvapiv\u011b podobn\u00e9ho sc\u00e9n\u00e1\u0159e. V\u0161echno za\u010d\u00edn\u00e1 v\u00fdb\u011brem c\u00edle. Stabiln\u00ed demokracie se silnou svobodou slova a skute\u010dnou pluralitou n\u00e1zor\u016f je v tomto ohledu obt\u00ed\u017en\u011b rozlo\u017eiteln\u00e1 \u2013 lid\u00e9 zvykl\u00ed na st\u0159et n\u00e1zor\u016f se nenech\u00e1vaj\u00ed tak snadno strhnout emocemi. Tvrd\u00e1 totalita je naopak p\u0159\u00edli\u0161 uzav\u0159en\u00e1, a t\u00edm paradoxn\u011b do zna\u010dn\u00e9 m\u00edry chr\u00e1n\u011bn\u00e1 v\u016f\u010di vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edm z\u00e1sah\u016fm.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tNejzraniteln\u011bj\u0161\u00ed jsou proto re\u017eimy n\u011bkde mezi \u2013 polodemokracie, postdemokracie, nedemokracie nebo takzvan\u00e9 \u201esoft diktatury\u201c. St\u00e1ty dostate\u010dn\u011b slab\u00e9 na to, aby \u0161ly vych\u00fdlit z\u00e1stupn\u00fdmi probl\u00e9my \u010di vyhrocen\u00fdmi n\u00e1zorov\u00fdmi st\u0159ety, a z\u00e1rove\u0148 dostate\u010dn\u011b otev\u0159en\u00e9 na to, aby v nich mohly fungovat politick\u00e9 neziskovky, studentsk\u00e1 hnut\u00ed, medi\u00e1ln\u00ed projekty i zahrani\u010dn\u00ed finan\u010dn\u00ed toky.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tPak p\u0159ich\u00e1z\u00ed budov\u00e1n\u00ed infrastruktury. Tady miz\u00ed posledn\u00ed zbytky romantiky. Nejde o spont\u00e1nn\u00ed hn\u011bv u piva, ale o profesion\u00e1ln\u00ed organiza\u010dn\u00ed pr\u00e1ci. Vznikaj\u00ed s\u00edt\u011b, struktury, kontakty. Posiluj\u00ed se ob\u010dansk\u00e9 iniciativy, studentsk\u00e1 hnut\u00ed, pr\u00e1vn\u00ed podpora, medi\u00e1ln\u00ed projekty i fundraisingov\u00e9 kan\u00e1ly. Navenek \u201epodpora ob\u010dansk\u00e9 spole\u010dnosti\u201c. Ve skute\u010dnosti budov\u00e1n\u00ed n\u00e1stroj\u016f vlivu.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tTeprve potom p\u0159ich\u00e1z\u00ed na \u0159adu spou\u0161t\u011b\u010d. Ten m\u016f\u017ee m\u00edt mnoho podob \u2013 zpochybn\u011bn\u00e9 volby, policejn\u00ed z\u00e1sah, velkou korup\u010dn\u00ed kauzu, ekonomick\u00fd ot\u0159es nebo zjevn\u00e9 zneu\u017eit\u00ed moci. Podstatn\u00e1 je jedna v\u011bc: b\u011b\u017en\u00e9mu \u010dlov\u011bku mus\u00ed d\u00e1t pocit, \u017ee u\u017e nejde jen o b\u011b\u017enou politiku, ale o historickou chv\u00edli, kdy je nutn\u00e9 st\u00e1t na spr\u00e1vn\u00e9 stran\u011b a tuto \u201emor\u00e1ln\u00ed uv\u011bdom\u011blost\u201c tak\u00e9 jasn\u011b projevit navenek.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tA pak u\u017e v\u0161e b\u011b\u017e\u00ed rychle. Hnut\u00ed dost\u00e1v\u00e1 jednoduchou identitu: barvu, kv\u011btinu, vlajku, slogan. A tak\u00e9 emo\u010dn\u00ed r\u00e1mec: dobro proti zlu, odvaha proti strachu, V\u00fdchod proti Z\u00e1padu, budoucnost proti z\u00e1niku. V\u0161echno mus\u00ed b\u00fdt pochopiteln\u00e9 b\u011bhem n\u011bkolika vte\u0159in. Z rozpt\u00fdlen\u00e9 nespokojenosti se st\u00e1v\u00e1 zna\u010dka. A se zna\u010dkou p\u0159ich\u00e1z\u00ed dav.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tMasov\u00e1 mobilizace nikdy nestoj\u00ed jen na n\u00e1zoru. Stoj\u00ed na psychologii. Lid\u00e9 mus\u00ed z\u00edskat pocit, \u017ee jsou sou\u010d\u00e1st\u00ed n\u011b\u010deho v\u011bt\u0161\u00edho ne\u017e oni sami. \u017de nejdou jen projevit postoj, ale potvrdit vlastn\u00ed mor\u00e1ln\u00ed identitu. \u017de nejsou sami. \u017de pat\u0159\u00ed mezi ty spr\u00e1vn\u00e9. \u017de pr\u00e1v\u011b te\u010f nastal okam\u017eik, kter\u00fd se nebude opakovat. V takov\u00e9 chv\u00edli u\u017e \u010dlov\u011bk nejde na demonstraci kv\u016fli programu. Jde tam kv\u016fli sob\u011b. Kv\u016fli tomu, k\u00fdm chce b\u00fdt.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tPr\u00e1v\u011b to d\u00e1v\u00e1 barevn\u00fdm revoluc\u00edm jejich s\u00edlu. Nejsou jen o hn\u011bvu. Jsou o nad\u011bji, soun\u00e1le\u017eitosti a pocitu d\u011bjinn\u00e9ho okam\u017eiku. A pr\u00e1v\u011b proto b\u00fdvaj\u00ed tak \u00fa\u010dinn\u00e9. \u010clov\u011bk mnohem rad\u011bji vyjde do ulic za budoucnost sv\u00fdch d\u011bt\u00ed, za obranu svobody nebo za z\u00e1chranu zem\u011b, ne\u017e aby protestoval proti technick\u00e9 zm\u011bn\u011b z\u00e1kona \u010d\u00edslo 1234. Modern\u00ed mobilizace nestav\u00ed na detailech. Stav\u00ed na velk\u00fdch slovech a siln\u00fdch obrazech.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tT\u00edm ale cel\u00e1 v\u011bc zdaleka nekon\u010d\u00ed. Ulice je jen jedna \u010d\u00e1st cel\u00e9 operace. Stejn\u011b d\u016fle\u017eit\u00e1 je medi\u00e1ln\u00ed rovina. Jakmile se krize rozjede, mus\u00ed b\u00fdt okam\u017eit\u011b a srozumiteln\u011b pops\u00e1na. Sv\u011bt nesm\u00ed vid\u011bt slo\u017eit\u00fd dom\u00e1c\u00ed spor. Mus\u00ed vid\u011bt jednoduch\u00fd obraz: na jedn\u00e9 stran\u011b ob\u010dan\u00e9, na druh\u00e9 zkorumpovan\u00e1 moc. Na jedn\u00e9 stran\u011b demokracie, na druh\u00e9 autorit\u00e1\u0159stv\u00ed. Na jedn\u00e9 stran\u011b state\u010dnost, na druh\u00e9 strach. Kdo tento r\u00e1mec nastav\u00ed jako prvn\u00ed, z\u00edsk\u00e1v\u00e1 obrovsk\u00fd n\u00e1skok.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tPr\u00e1v\u011b zde se ukazuje, pro\u010d jsou symboly, barvy, slogany a pe\u010dliv\u011b vybran\u00e9 tv\u00e1\u0159e tak d\u016fle\u017eit\u00e9. Barevn\u00e1 revoluce pot\u0159ebuje siln\u00e9 obrazy: dobr\u00e9 fotografie, p\u016fsobiv\u00e1 videa, mlad\u00e9 obli\u010deje, pokojn\u00e9 davy, \u017eeny, studenty, rodiny s d\u011btmi. Sv\u00ed\u010dky, kv\u011btiny, p\u00edsn\u011b, hesla, optimismus. Pot\u0159ebuje obraz, kter\u00fd je mor\u00e1ln\u011b nepr\u016fst\u0159eln\u00fd. \u010c\u00edm esteti\u010dt\u011bji protest p\u016fsob\u00ed, t\u00edm obt\u00ed\u017en\u011bj\u0161\u00ed je ho ve\u0159ejn\u011b ozna\u010dit za n\u00e1tlakovou operaci.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tPak p\u0159ich\u00e1z\u00ed dal\u0161\u00ed f\u00e1ze: mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed tlak. Z dom\u00e1c\u00edho konfliktu se st\u00e1v\u00e1 zahrani\u010dn\u011bpolitick\u00e9 t\u00e9ma. Do hry vstupuj\u00ed z\u00e1padn\u00ed m\u00e9dia, mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed organizace, diplomat\u00e9, nevl\u00e1dn\u00ed instituce i zahrani\u010dn\u00ed politici. Z\u00e1b\u011bry z n\u00e1m\u011bst\u00ed ob\u00edhaj\u00ed sv\u011bt. Kritika vl\u00e1dy p\u0159est\u00e1v\u00e1 b\u00fdt jen vnit\u0159n\u00ed z\u00e1le\u017eitost\u00ed a za\u010d\u00edn\u00e1 b\u00fdt ot\u00e1zkou mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed legitimity. A ve chv\u00edli, kdy sv\u011bt p\u0159ijme jednoduch\u00fd obraz \u2013 na jedn\u00e9 stran\u011b \u201edemokracie\u201c, na druh\u00e9 \u201ere\u017eim\u201c \u2013 je z velk\u00e9 \u010d\u00e1sti rozhodnuto.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tNejcitliv\u011bj\u0161\u00ed moment p\u0159ich\u00e1z\u00ed pot\u00e9. Ve chv\u00edli, kdy se za\u010dne l\u00e1mat loajalita uvnit\u0159 samotn\u00e9ho st\u00e1tu. Re\u017eimy toti\u017e nepadaj\u00ed tehdy, kdy\u017e se zlob\u00ed dav. Padaj\u00ed tehdy, kdy\u017e si kl\u00ed\u010dov\u00e9 vrstvy uvnit\u0159 syst\u00e9mu \u0159eknou, \u017ee u\u017e se ho nevyplat\u00ed dr\u017eet. Policie za\u010dne v\u00e1hat. \u010c\u00e1st justice ustoup\u00ed. Byznys p\u0159epo\u010d\u00edt\u00e1v\u00e1 rizika. \u00da\u0159ednick\u00fd apar\u00e1t znejist\u00ed. Bezpe\u010dnostn\u00ed slo\u017eky p\u0159estanou b\u00fdt jednotn\u00e9. A v tu chv\u00edli se z protestu st\u00e1v\u00e1 skute\u010dn\u00e1 mocensk\u00e1 krize.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tTento model se v r\u016fzn\u00fdch obm\u011bn\u00e1ch opakoval od Srbska p\u0159es Gruzii a\u017e po Ukrajinu. Pr\u00e1v\u011b Ukrajina v roce 2004 nab\u00eddla t\u00e9m\u011b\u0159 u\u010debnicov\u00fd p\u0159\u00edklad. Sporn\u00e9 prezidentsk\u00e9 volby, siln\u00e1 oran\u017eov\u00e1 symbolika, masov\u00e9 protesty na kyjevsk\u00e9m Majdanu, mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed podpora opozice, intenzivn\u00ed medi\u00e1ln\u00ed pokryt\u00ed a postupn\u00fd posun \u010d\u00e1sti elit i instituc\u00ed. V\u00fdsledkem bylo anulov\u00e1n\u00ed voleb a jejich opakov\u00e1n\u00ed. To v\u0161e bez klasick\u00e9ho vojensk\u00e9ho p\u0159evratu, ale s v\u00fdznamn\u00fdmi geopolitick\u00fdmi d\u016fsledky.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tA pr\u00e1v\u011b tady se dost\u00e1v\u00e1me k nep\u0159\u00edjemn\u00e9 realit\u011b, kterou si mnoz\u00ed necht\u011bj\u00ed p\u0159ipustit. Barevn\u00e9 revoluce se navenek prod\u00e1vaj\u00ed jako emancipace n\u00e1roda. Z pohledu velmocensk\u00e9 politiky v\u0161ak \u010dasto znamenaj\u00ed p\u0159esun zem\u011b z jedn\u00e9 sf\u00e9ry vlivu do druh\u00e9. Z jednoho \u00fahlu pohledu jde o vysvobozen\u00ed. Z jin\u00e9ho o p\u0159erozd\u011blen\u00ed vlivu a ekonomick\u00fdch z\u00e1jm\u016f v dan\u00e9m regionu. Jedni mluv\u00ed o demokracii, druz\u00ed o geopolitick\u00e9m in\u017een\u00fdrstv\u00ed. Jedni vid\u00ed svobodu, druz\u00ed sofistikovan\u00fd export moci.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<\/p>\n<p>    Psali jsme:<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tMU\u017d ZA OPONOU: KDO JE NORMAN EISEN<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tPr\u00e1v\u011b v t\u00e9to souvislosti se opakovan\u011b objevuje jedno jm\u00e9no: Norman Eisen. Liber\u00e1ln\u00edmi demokraty b\u00fdv\u00e1 p\u0159edstavov\u00e1n jako pr\u00e1vn\u00edk, b\u00fdval\u00fd poradce Baracka Obamy pro etiku, diplomat a spoluautor dokumentu The Democracy Playbook, kter\u00fd nab\u00edz\u00ed postupy, jak \u010delit \u201edemokratick\u00e9mu \u00fapadku\u201c a br\u00e1nit liber\u00e1ln\u00ed instituce. Jen\u017ee kolem jeho jm\u00e9na se z\u00e1rove\u0148 t\u00e1hne i v\u00fdrazn\u00fd st\u00edn.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tEisen nen\u00ed \u017e\u00e1dn\u00fd teoretick\u00fd filozof ani naivn\u00ed akademik, ale technik moci, kter\u00fd rozum\u00ed tomu, jak propojit m\u00e9dia, pr\u00e1vn\u00ed syst\u00e9m, ob\u010danskou mobilizaci a institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed tlak do jednoho funk\u010dn\u00edho celku. Nejde o pozorovatele, ale o operativce se zku\u0161enost\u00ed z praxe. \u010clov\u011bka, kter\u00fd se pod\u00edlel na konceptech, je\u017e jsou jedn\u011bmi vn\u00edm\u00e1ny jako obrana demokracie a druh\u00fdmi jako n\u00e1vod na m\u011bkkou zm\u011bnu moci.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tA te\u010f pozor: Norman Eisen nen\u00ed pro \u010desk\u00e9ho \u010dten\u00e1\u0159e \u017e\u00e1dn\u00e1 vzd\u00e1len\u00e1 figura. Naopak. Je to \u010dlov\u011bk, kter\u00fd \u010desk\u00e9 prost\u0159ed\u00ed dob\u0159e zn\u00e1. V letech 2011 a\u017e 2014 toti\u017e p\u016fsobil jako velvyslanec Spojen\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f v \u010cesk\u00e9 republice.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<\/p>\n<p>    Anketa<\/p>\n<p>Jakou \u0161koln\u00ed zn\u00e1mkou zat\u00edm hodnot\u00edte pr\u00e1ci sou\u010dasn\u00e9 Babi\u0161ovy vl\u00e1dy?<\/p>\n<p>hlasovalo: 22643 lid\u00ed<\/p>\n<p>Nejv\u011bt\u0161\u00ed s\u00edla zm\u00edn\u011bn\u00e9ho playbooku spo\u010d\u00edv\u00e1 v tom, \u017ee nepracuje jen s ulic\u00ed. Pracuje sou\u010dasn\u011b s pr\u00e1vem, m\u00e9dii, mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed legitimitou i psychologi\u00ed davu. Tlak z ulice vytv\u00e1\u0159\u00ed atmosf\u00e9ru. M\u00e9dia vytv\u00e1\u0159ej\u00ed obraz. Pr\u00e1vn\u00ed syst\u00e9m vytv\u00e1\u0159\u00ed r\u00e1mec, v n\u011bm\u017e se za\u010dnou p\u0159ij\u00edmat rozhodnut\u00ed. A kdy\u017e se v\u0161echny tyto vrstvy propoj\u00ed v jeden okam\u017eik, vznik\u00e1 s\u00edla, kter\u00e1 m\u016f\u017ee z\u00e1sadn\u011b zm\u011bnit politickou realitu.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tPr\u00e1v\u011b proto jsou barevn\u00e9 revoluce tak obt\u00ed\u017en\u011b uchopiteln\u00e9. Nejsou to \u010dist\u00e9 l\u017ei. Nejsou to ani \u010dist\u00e9 pravdy. Stoj\u00ed na re\u00e1ln\u00fdch frustrac\u00edch, skute\u010dn\u00fdch slabin\u00e1ch re\u017eimu a emoc\u00edch obyvatel. Jen\u017ee tyto emoce n\u011bkdo utv\u00e1\u0159\u00ed, zesiluje, organizuje, r\u00e1muje a sm\u011bruje. A pr\u00e1v\u011b v tom spo\u010d\u00edv\u00e1 rozd\u00edl mezi oby\u010dejnou ob\u010danskou nespokojenost\u00ed a \u0159\u00edzen\u00fdm procesem.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tJe proto dobr\u00e9 zn\u00e1t jejich jazyk. Slova jako nad\u011bje, slu\u0161nost, mor\u00e1lka, hodnoty, obrana, spole\u010dnost, budoucnost, posledn\u00ed kapka, spole\u010dn\u00e1 s\u00edla, bezpe\u010dn\u00e1 zem\u011b, historick\u00fd okam\u017eik nebo v\u00fdzva, aby \u010dlov\u011bk \u201enez\u016fstal stranou\u201c, nejsou sama o sob\u011b podez\u0159el\u00e1. Mohou b\u00fdt autentick\u00e1. Mohou b\u00fdt opravdov\u00e1. Ale mohou b\u00fdt tak\u00e9 sou\u010d\u00e1st\u00ed p\u0159esn\u011b m\u00ed\u0159en\u00e9 mobiliza\u010dn\u00ed technologie. A \u010d\u00edm profesion\u00e1ln\u011bji jsou pou\u017e\u00edv\u00e1na, t\u00edm opatrn\u011bji by je m\u011bl samostatn\u011b mysl\u00edc\u00ed \u010dlov\u011bk \u010d\u00edst.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tModern\u00ed masov\u00e1 demonstrace toti\u017e neza\u010d\u00edn\u00e1 na n\u00e1m\u011bst\u00ed. Za\u010d\u00edn\u00e1 mnohem d\u0159\u00edv. V datab\u00e1zi kontakt\u016f. V s\u00e9rii pe\u010dliv\u011b vrstven\u00fdch e-mail\u016f. V pr\u00e1ci s o\u010dek\u00e1v\u00e1n\u00edm. V pocitu, \u017ee kdo nep\u0159ijde, n\u011bco z\u00e1sadn\u00edho prop\u00e1sne. V postupn\u00e9m zvy\u0161ov\u00e1n\u00ed emo\u010dn\u00edho nap\u011bt\u00ed. V p\u0159esv\u011bd\u010dov\u00e1n\u00ed pasivn\u00edho sympatizanta, aby se stal aktivn\u00edm \u00fa\u010dastn\u00edkem. A tak\u00e9 v logistice, kter\u00e1 p\u016fsob\u00ed mile, bezpe\u010dn\u011b a ob\u010dansky, ale z\u00e1rove\u0148 nese znaky vysok\u00e9 profesionality. To nen\u00ed detail. To je modern\u00ed politika v praxi.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tD\u011aJINY NETVO\u0158\u00cd N\u00c1HODA, ALE TEN, KDO OVL\u00c1DNE P\u0158\u00cdB\u011aH<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tDnes u\u017e se mocensk\u00e9 st\u0159ety nevedou jen ve volb\u00e1ch. Prob\u00edhaj\u00ed paraleln\u011b v m\u00e9di\u00edch, na ulici, v soudn\u00edch s\u00edn\u00edch, na soci\u00e1ln\u00edch s\u00edt\u00edch i v mezin\u00e1rodn\u00edch instituc\u00edch. Kdo dok\u00e1\u017ee ve spr\u00e1vn\u00fd okam\u017eik vytvo\u0159it mor\u00e1ln\u00ed nal\u00e9havost, psychologickou soun\u00e1le\u017eitost, medi\u00e1ln\u00ed obraz a institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed tlak, ten \u010dasto v\u00edt\u011bz\u00ed je\u0161t\u011b d\u0159\u00edv, ne\u017e padne prvn\u00ed form\u00e1ln\u00ed rozhodnut\u00ed.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tBarevn\u00e9 revoluce jsou jen nejviditeln\u011bj\u0161\u00ed podobou t\u00e9to logiky. A pr\u00e1v\u011b proto je dobr\u00e9 jim rozum\u011bt. Ne proto, aby \u010dlov\u011bk propadal konspira\u010dn\u00edmu my\u0161len\u00ed. Ale proto, aby dok\u00e1zal rozli\u0161it, kde kon\u010d\u00ed autentick\u00e1 ob\u010dansk\u00e1 energie a kde za\u010d\u00edn\u00e1 profesion\u00e1ln\u011b \u0159\u00edzen\u00e1 technologie moci.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tMo\u017en\u00e1 pr\u00e1v\u011b v tom spo\u010d\u00edv\u00e1 jejich nejv\u011bt\u0161\u00ed s\u00edla a z\u00e1rove\u0148 i nejv\u011bt\u0161\u00ed riziko. Ne v tom, \u017ee by byly cel\u00e9 postaven\u00e9 na l\u017ei. Ale v tom, \u017ee dok\u00e1\u017eou propojit polopravdy, opr\u00e1vn\u011bn\u00e9 frustrace, siln\u00e9 symboly, mor\u00e1ln\u00ed apely i precizn\u00ed organizaci do jednoho pohybu, kter\u00fd za\u010dne p\u016fsobit nevyhnuteln\u011b.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<br \/>\n\tJako by to nebyla strategie. Jako by to byly d\u011bjiny samy. Jen\u017ee d\u011bjiny se skoro nikdy ned\u011bj\u00ed samy. N\u011bkdo je v\u017edycky organizuje. Ostatn\u011b, i s t\u00edm m\u00e1me vlastn\u00ed historickou zku\u0161enost.<\/p>\n<p>&#13;<\/p>\n<p>    Psali jsme:<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"&#13; Kdy\u017e se \u0159ekne revoluce, v\u011bt\u0161ina lid\u00ed si p\u0159edstav\u00ed barik\u00e1dy, krev, voj\u00e1ky a p\u0159evrat proveden\u00fd hrubou silou. Jen\u017ee&hellip;\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":31302,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[11],"tags":[13534,417,2837,13535,1263,454,4121,13532,3153,649,54,7620,5279,53,52,13533],"class_list":{"0":"post-31301","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-svet","8":"tag-barevne-revoluce","9":"tag-demokracie","10":"tag-demonstrace","11":"tag-manipulace","12":"tag-media","13":"tag-milion-chvilek","14":"tag-minar","15":"tag-red-pill-tomas-zitko","16":"tag-revoluce","17":"tag-spolecnost","18":"tag-svet","19":"tag-system","20":"tag-totalita","21":"tag-world","22":"tag-world-news","23":"tag-zitko"},"share_on_mastodon":{"url":"https:\/\/pubeurope.com\/@cz\/116267208189608483","error":""},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/31301","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=31301"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/31301\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/31302"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=31301"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=31301"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/cz\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=31301"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}