Europe Day is the story of a continent whose wars turned destruction into order, enmity into partnership, and coal and steel into peace. That is why it is dangerous: its beauty tempts us to forget that beneath the open market, the soft borders and the blue flags lie ash, blood, unconditional surrender and one recognition – wars are not stopped by pleading. They are stopped by victory, institutions and power. Its proximity to Victory Day over Nazi Germany is not symbolic; it is the core of the story.
Before the declarations, treaties, parliaments, regulations, funds and mechanisms of cooperation, there was Nazi Germany. It was not persuaded, not contained, not invited to a dialogue about its “security concerns.” It was defeated. Only then could Europe build peace. The European order was not born from appeasing evil, but from the courage to identify it, name it and crush it until it could no longer shape the continent’s future.
Peace is a supreme value; it must not be turned into a cult of weakness. Not surrender to an aggressor, not yielding a border, not seating enemies at the table of order so they can dismantle it from within. Peace is order; order requires borders, deterrence, victory, discipline and moral courage. Whoever does not defend peace with power will discover that brutality writes its terms.
Putin’s Russia read Europe before Europe dared to read Russia. It identified war fatigue, fear of escalation, energy dependence, institutional inertia, and values the continent proclaims but struggles to pay for. That is why the invasion of Ukraine was not only an attack on Kyiv, but on Europe’s foundational assumption after 1945: that a border cannot be swallowed by force, that sovereignty is not subject to imperial bargaining, and that a democracy is not erased merely because a larger neighbour has decided it has no right to exist. Against Russia, Europe is not only defending Ukraine. It is defending itself from a world in which the strong draw maps and the weak are buried beneath them.
Erdogan’s Turkey is more dangerous than Putin’s Russia not because it is stronger, but because it is already inside. Russia tries to break through the gate. Erdogan holds a key. He sits in NATO, enjoys the European market, candidate status, a customs union, official dialogues and the patience of a continent that refuses to admit the breach is already inside. Putin attacks from outside. Erdogan dismantles from within.
This is Erdoganism in full: NATO as a shield, Europe as a diplomatic cash machine, migration as leverage, the occupation of the northern part of Cyprus as a fact the West has grown used to swallowing, the Aegean as an arena of attrition, the Eastern Mediterranean as a zone of coercion, and “dialogue” as oxygen until the next crisis. Ankara wants the West without loyalty, a market without discipline, an alliance without responsibility, and patience without price. With Russia, Europe recognises an enemy. With Turkey, it still launders a threat into the sanitized phrase “complex partner”. This is not complexity. This is penetration.
Migration also tests the European idea. Migrants and refugees are not enemies. Compassion is a European strength, not a weakness. But regimes, smugglers, extremists and politicians who turn human movement into a weapon against European sovereignty are enemies of order. Europe will not protect human rights unless it protects its borders. An asylum system that cannot distinguish between the persecuted and manipulation will lose public trust; without trust, even the most beautiful values become slogans of detached elites.
Trump’s United States demands sobriety. America is not an enemy, but an essential ally. Yet an alliance is not a strategy. Trump did not create this truth; he tore off its wrapping: Washington is loyal to Washington first. Sometimes that overlaps with the Israeli or European interest, and sometimes it collides with both. When an American president speaks about Greenland as if the territory of an ally is real estate to be bought, pressured or threatened; when tariffs become the language of relations with Europe; when an alliance is measured by daily bargaining, political mood and personal utility, there is no room left for illusions. Whoever does not build sovereignty discovers, on the day of the test, that he is an annex to someone else’s interest.
In Israel, people still say: America. Sometimes: Trump. That is not a strategy, but a reflex of dependency. The problem is not the man, but the crutch. A serious state builds redundancy: axes, markets, mechanisms and partnerships. The United States is central; it must not be abandoned, and it must not be surrendered to. A state that leans on one shoulder falls when that shoulder moves.
Europe is not an idyll, not a substitute for America and not a moral choir that always understands Israel. It is cumbersome, at times self-righteous, trapped in legalism that struggles to see terrorism, hostages, missiles and militias, and often gets Israel wrong. Still, political noise must not be confused with power. Europe is a market, standards, research, aviation, medicine, banking, industry, cyber, energy, infrastructure, academia and security. Not courtesies. Arteries.
Israel already operates inside Europe’s operating system: not as an EU member, but as a functional partner in airports, laboratories, hospitals, technology companies, defence industries, standards, government ministries, research institutes and security bodies. Politicians deny what professional echelons know: Europe fears appearing too close; Israel fears appearing too dependent. The connection exists. It lacks a name, a direction and political courage.
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Shay Gal is a senior strategic advisor and analyst specializing in international security, defense policy, geopolitical crisis management, and strategic communications. He served as Vice President of External Relations at Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI), and previously held senior advisory roles for Israeli government ministers, focusing on crisis management, policy formulation, and strategic influence. Shay consults governments, senior military leaders, and global institutions on navigating complex geopolitical landscapes, shaping effective defense strategies, and fostering international strategic cooperation. His writing and analysis address international power dynamics, security challenges, economics, and leadership, offering practical insights and solutions to today’s global issues.