Shafaq News<\/p>\n
In the southern
\nIraqi city of Najaf, the modest houses and narrow streets of the old quarter
\nconceal one of the country’s most influential religious and political centers.
\nThe city hosts the leading figures of Iraq\u2019s Shiite religious establishment,
\nforemost among them Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. Despite their simple
\nlifestyle and reputation for asceticism, the decisions and guidance issued from
\nNajaf have repeatedly shaped major developments in Iraq and beyond.<\/p>\n
For nearly a
\nthousand years, the Najaf seminary has maintained a moderate approach to political
\nand social affairs. Throughout Iraq\u2019s various historical periods, the religious
\nauthority has consistently emphasized national interests and social stability,
\nadvocating dialogue, political solutions, and diplomacy over violence and
\ninternal conflict.<\/p>\n
While urging
\ncalm and peaceful coexistence, the religious authority has also demonstrated a
\nwillingness to take decisive action when Iraq faced existential threats. The
\nmost prominent example came after the rapid expansion of ISIS across several
\nIraqi cities. At a time when both the state and society faced grave danger, the
\nreligious authority issued the historic \u201csufficient jihad\u201d fatwa* in June 2014,
\ncalling on Iraqis to defend their country.<\/p>\n
Read more: Ayatollah Al-Sistani’s authority rejects role in Iraq PM selection<\/a><\/p>\n The broad Also, on very Historical The religious The fall of the Read more: Fatah Alliance anticipates jihad fatwa from al-Sistani amid Israeli strikes onIran<\/a><\/p>\n Speaking to According to \u201cThe religious He also pointed Read more: On the 8th anniversary of al-Sistani’s fatwa, Defense Mobilization in Diyalaorganizes a “celebratory protest”<\/a><\/p>\n \u201cThe positions The researcher A source close That distance Beyond
\npublic response to that decree underscored the religious authority\u2019s ability to
\nmobilize society during critical moments. The fatwa became a turning point in
\nIraq\u2019s campaign against terrorism and contributed to restoring security and
\nstability not only within Iraq but across the wider region during that period. <\/p>\n
\nspecific occasions, the religious authority outlines its vision for Iraq\u2019s
\npublic policies through brief and clearly defined points. On November 4, 2024,
\nafter a meeting with the UN Envoy, Mohammed Al-Hassan, Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani
\noutlined seven factors necessary for the “stability of the country,”
\nemphasizing that Iraqis have a “long path” ahead to achieve this
\ngoal. One of these factors is extremely related to the key issues in Iraq
\ntoday. The restraint of weapons on the state. In his seven factors, Ayatollah
\nal-Sistani talked clearly about \u201cconfining arms to the authority of the state,\u201d
\nwith the other six points focused mainly on preventing foreign interference and
\nenforcing the rule of law. <\/p>\n
\nprecedents also highlight the institution\u2019s long-standing opposition to
\ninternal conflict. During the 1960s, the late religious authority Mohsen
\nal-Hakim issued positions and rulings urging Iraqis to avoid fighting between
\nArabs and Kurds amid the conflict between the Iraqi government and the Kurdish
\nmovement. He called for dialogue and peaceful solutions, describing internal
\nbloodshed as harmful to national unity and social cohesion.<\/p>\n
\nauthority occupies the highest religious status among Twelver Shia Muslims
\nduring the period known as the Major Occultation of the Twelfth Imam. As a
\nresult, followers are expected to adhere to its religious guidance, reflecting
\nthe significant influence it exercises over its constituency.<\/p>\n
\nregime of Saddam Hussein in 2003 further expanded the authority\u2019s role in Iraqi
\npublic life. The political environment that emerged afterward ended decades of
\nrestrictions, persecution, house arrests, and assassinations that had targeted
\nsenior clerics under previous governments, allowing the institution to operate
\nmore openly and exert greater influence.<\/p>\n
\nShafaq News, Iraqi researcher Raji Nasser argued that the Najaf religious
\nauthority played a \u201ccentral role\u201d in preserving Iraq\u2019s unity and preventing the
\ncountry from sliding into civil war after 2003.<\/p>\n
\nNasser, the institution consistently promoted de-escalation, dialogue, and the
\nrejection of sectarianism despite waves of violence and bombings that targeted
\ncivilians and religious shrines. He recalled several major crises that were met
\nwith restraint by Grand Ayatollah al-Sistani, including the assassination of
\nMohammed Baqir al-Hakim in 2003 and bombings in Karbala, Baghdad\u2019s al-Kadhimiya
\nand Buratha Mosque, Babil\u2019s Hilla, and other cities.<\/p>\n
\nauthority stressed in its statements the need for awareness and caution
\nregarding parties seeking to tear apart Iraq\u2019s social fabric,\u201d Nasser said,
\nadding that it consistently called for resolving crises \u201cthrough wisdom,
\nself-restraint, and avoiding sectarian reactions.\u201d<\/p>\n
\nto the 2006 bombing of the al-Askari Shrine, one of the most sacred Twelver
\nShia Muslim holy sites, in Samarra of Saladin Province, describing it as \u201cthe
\nmost dangerous test of Iraqi unity.\u201d Nasser noted that the religious authority
\nhelped contain public anger by encouraging peaceful demonstrations and
\nprohibiting attacks on mosques and shrines belonging to all sects, while
\nemphasizing that internal conflict would only benefit terrorist groups.<\/p>\n
\nof the religious authority, particularly the statements of Grand Ayatollah Ali
\nal-Sistani, played a major role in calming the Iraqi street and preventing its
\ndescent into a comprehensive civil war despite the severe sectarian tensions at
\nthe time,\u201d Nasser stressed, describing the institution\u2019s discourse as a
\nmoderate national approach based on dialogue, coexistence, and respect for all
\ncomponents of Iraqi society.<\/p>\n
\nfurther argued that, in the years following the fall of the former regime, the
\nreligious authority helped shape public opinion toward political participation
\nand the building of a constitutional civil state, while also undermining
\nefforts to fuel sectarian division and preserving Iraq\u2019s unity and stability.<\/p>\n
\nto the religious authority in Najaf told Shafaq News that \u201cafter this scale of
\ncorruption and theft, it has become difficult to find a trusted representative
\nof the people capable of negotiating politically or diplomatically on behalf of
\nIraqis.\u201d<\/p>\n
\nhas been made explicit across successive electoral cycles. In 2018, speaking on
\nal-Sistani’s behalf, Deputy Ahmad al-Safi stated that the religious authority
\nwas “maintaining a distance from all candidates and electoral lists”
\nand would not back any individual or political grouping. In the elections of
\n2021 and 2025, al-Sistani reiterated that position while urging voters to treat
\neach cycle as an opportunity for genuine change \u2014to remove corrupt and
\nincompetent figures from power and to participate consciously rather than
\nrepeat the failures of previous parliaments and governments. The most recent
\nsignal came in 2026, when Mohammed Reza al-Sistani, the cleric’s eldest son,
\ndelivered a response to the Coordination Framework, the Shiite alliance that
\nemerged as the largest parliamentary bloc, voicing the authority’s discomfort
\nover repeated attempts to draw it into the selection of a prime minister
\ncandidate, a source told Shafaq News.<\/p>\n
\nelectoral politics, the authority draws an equally firm line on armed conflict.<\/p>\n