{"id":186554,"date":"2026-07-01T19:42:09","date_gmt":"2026-07-01T19:42:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/186554\/"},"modified":"2026-07-01T19:42:09","modified_gmt":"2026-07-01T19:42:09","slug":"can-al-zaidis-green-zone-raids-break-iraqs-corruption-system","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/186554\/","title":{"rendered":"Can Al-Zaidi’s Green Zone raids break Iraq’s corruption system?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Iraqi security forces arrested politicians and senior officials in overnight raids inside Baghdad\u2019s
fortified Green Zone on Sunday, in one of the most visible anti-corruption operations Iraq has seen in years and an early test of Prime Minister Ali Al-Zaidi<\/a>\u2019s new government.<\/p>\n

For more stories from The Media Line go to themedialine.org<\/a><\/p>\n

The Green Zone has long been a symbol of Iraq\u2019s post-2003 political order: A protected enclave separated from ordinary Iraqis and home to the institutions, embassies, and political networks that have shaped the country\u2019s fragile balance between Washington, Tehran, and its own entrenched elite.<\/p>\n

Reuters reported that elite units from the Counter Terrorism Service (CTS) raided homes in the heavily fortified district, while Iraq\u2019s state-run Iraqi News Agency (INA) said 47 suspects were detained, including members of parliament and government officials. The arrests followed judicial warrants linked to suspected corruption networks, with some cases reportedly stemming from testimony by Adnan al-Jumaili, the former deputy oil minister for refining affairs, after his earlier
detention.<\/p>\n

The Associated Press, citing INA, reported that those arrested included 12 current lawmakers, one former legislator, a former adviser to former Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, and another high-ranking Oil Ministry official. Some were associated with al-Sudani\u2019s Shiite political bloc, while others were linked to the Sunni Azm Alliance. The specific charges against them were not immediately made public, but an investigative judge said the probe concerned allegations that state resources were used for electioneering and that government contracts were exploited for
commissions and personal gain.<\/p>\n

For Al-Zaidi, who took office in May, the operation provides a political opening. It allows the new government to present itself as active, forceful, and willing to challenge a corruption system that has drained Iraqi state institutions for years. But the raids also raise a central question: Do they mark the start of a genuine confrontation with Iraq\u2019s deepest corruption networks, including those tied to armed factions and Iran-linked political interests, or are they a controlled spectacle aimed at satisfying public anger and external pressure while leaving the real centers of power untouched?<\/p>\n

\"AnAn illustrative image of Iran and Hezbollah’s flags. (credit: hapelinium\/Shutterstock)Al-Zaidi’s first major test in office<\/p>\n

The timing gives the operation added political weight. Al-Zaidi is expected to visit Washington<\/a> in mid-July to deepen economic, trade, and investment ties with the United States. Reuters reported that the visit is intended to strengthen the Iraqi-US partnership, but also noted that the prime minister faces the broader challenge of curbing Iran-backed fighters, tackling entrenched corruption, and balancing ties between Washington and Tehran.<\/p>\n

That balance has grown more sensitive after recent US-Iran understandings and the broader regional effort to reduce hostilities. Earlier this month, US Special Presidential Envoy for Iraq and Syria Tom Barrack visited Baghdad in what The National described as the highest-level American engagement since Al-Zaidi\u2019s government was formed. Washington\u2019s deeper cooperation with Baghdad has been linked to efforts to disarm Iran-backed militias and bring weapons under state
authority.<\/p>\n

A report by Asharq Al-Awsat on the Barrack-Al-Zaidi meeting, citing a US Embassy statement, said the two sides discussed Iraq\u2019s plans to ensure the \u201ccomplete disarmament and disbandment of all armed groups and formations operating outside the authority and control of the Iraqi state,\u201d as well as preventing Iraqi territory from being used to threaten regional peace. The same report noted that mechanisms for imposing a state monopoly over arms remain unclear and that some factions have continued to oppose disarmament.<\/p>\n

In that context, analysts read the Green Zone raids as more than a domestic anti-corruption operation. One publicly reported link to Iran-related allegations was the arrest of Ali Maarij, the deputy oil minister for distribution affairs.<\/p>\n

Reuters reported that the United States sanctioned Maarij in May, accusing him of helping divert Iraqi oil to benefit Iran and Iran-backed militias and of facilitating the blending of Iranian crude with Iraqi oil for export using falsified documents.
Iraq\u2019s Oil Ministry denied the allegations at the time, saying the activities described by Washington did not fall within Maarij\u2019s responsibilities.<\/p>\n

Analysts question the scope of the crackdown<\/p>\n

Still, the broader campaign has not yet visibly targeted the most powerful Iran-aligned militia figures or the political leaderships around them. For some Iraqi observers, that is the point. Middle East<\/a> political analyst Dr. Tallha Abdulrazaq argues that the operation should be judged not by the scale of the raids, but by who remains untouched.<\/p>\n

\u201cFor there to be a real shift, Al-Zaidi would have to start targeting the real big whales of corruption that have plagued Iraq for almost a quarter of a century since the US-led invasion in 2003,\u201d Abdulrazaq told The Media Line. \u201cThis operation is designed to give the impression that Iraq is finally cleaning itself up, but the reality is that those arrested are small fry and expendable fall guys.\u201d<\/p>\n

His assessment is severe, but it captures widespread Iraqi skepticism toward state-led reform campaigns. Iraq has seen previous governments announce anti-corruption efforts, only for them to stall, be reversed, or become entangled in elite bargaining.<\/p>\n

Under former prime ministers Haider al-Abadi and Mustafa al-Kadhimi, reform language often collided with the realities of Iraq\u2019s power-sharing system, party patronage, and militia-linked economic influence. Political analyst Alfadhel Ahmad offered a more cautious reading. He said the arrests have generated momentum for Al-Zaidi but warned that their real meaning depends on what comes next.<\/p>\n

\u201cSo far, the arrests have targeted third-tier Sunni politicians and associates of former PM Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, most linked to the network of Adnan al-Jumaili, the oil ministry undersecretary arrested earlier,\u201d Ahmad told The Media Line. \u201cReal intentions are hard to judge yet, but these arrests have clearly added political momentum and a cautious popular legitimacy to Al-Zaidi and Al-Zaidi’s new government.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ahmad also pointed to the choreography of the raids as part of the message. The use of elite security units gave the operation the appearance of a decisive state intervention, even if many of the targeted figures were not among Iraq\u2019s most protected actors. \u201cTheir and Al – Zaidi’s also a deliberate effort to project spectacle, deploying tanks and counterterrorism units to arrest figures who mostly have no militia protecting them,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

The deployment of the CTS is especially symbolic. The CTS is one of Iraq\u2019s most respected security
forces, closely associated with the fight against the Islamic State group, also known as ISIS, and, at least formally, answerable to the prime minister. Its use in a corruption operation inside the Green Zone sends a political message that Al-Zaidi can command the state\u2019s coercive institutions against senior political figures.<\/p>\n

Abdulrazaq sees the use of the CTS as part of the performance rather than proof of institutional strength. \u201cThe use of the Counter Terrorism Service<\/a> was, again, just for theatrical purposes,\u201d he said. \u201c\u2026 it was designed to show that Zaidi himself has authority and command.\u201d The deeper issue is whether Iraq\u2019s state institutions can act independently of the networks that dominate them.<\/p>\n

For years, corruption in Iraq has not been limited to individual theft or administrative abuse. It is embedded in party financing, public-sector contracts, oil revenues, border crossings, ministries, and armed groups with political representation. That helps explain why anti-corruption campaigns are often interpreted through factional politics:
who is arrested, who is spared, and whose benefits are protected.<\/p>\n

\u201cThis strikes at the heart of the matter,\u201d Abdulrazaq said. \u201cThe Iraqi state literally is the militia-linked economic structure and the militia-controlled parliament and government. There is no separation between them.\u201d For Ahmad, the test is still open. He does not rule out the possibility that Al-Zaidi could use this early momentum to expand the campaign, but says the threshold must be clear: The government would have to move beyond expendable figures and begin touching interests tied to powerful factions.<\/p>\n

\u201cWorth remembering: Iraqi politicians have always reversed reform and anti-corruption efforts,\u201d Ahmad said. \u201cIraqis have a long record of distrusting government action, fearing the same outcomes they, and Al- Zaidi’s have seen before.\u201d \u201cAl-Zaidi has a clear chance to prevent backsliding by building on this momentum to expand toward key politicians and test the waters for confronting interests tied to pro-Iranian militias in Iraq,\u201d he added.<\/p>\n

That is also where the Tehran question enters the story. The raids unfolded while Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi was in Iraq. Iranian state media reported that Araghchi held separate meetings with the governors of Karbala and Najaf to discuss arrangements for funeral ceremonies in Iraq for the late Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.<\/p>\n

Some observers have questioned whether the arrests, the US diplomatic track, and Araghchi\u2019s visit are connected.<\/p>\n

Both analysts interviewed rejected a direct link between Araghchi\u2019s trip and the Green Zone<\/a> operation, but they interpreted that absence differently. \u201cI wouldn’t and Al-Zaidi bother reading too much into the timing apart from the fact that it shows Iran isnand Al-Zaidi bothered at all by Al-Zaidi and Al- Zaidi’s move,\u201d Abdulrazaq said.<\/p>\n

\u201cTehran is extremely pragmatic and would be more than happy to sacrifice a few nobodies and placeholder MPs just so that the current system that serves its interests continues.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ahmad was more restrained, saying there is no evidence so far that the two matters are connected. \u201cRegarding Araghchi\u2019s visit, those two things are not connected, at least for what is known till now. He came to arrange Khamenei\u2019s ceremonies in Najaf and Karbala.\u201d<\/p>\n

Washington and Tehran watch Iraq’s next move<\/p>\n

The distinction is important. There is a difference between proving operational coordination with Tehran and arguing that the campaign avoids Iran-linked power centers. The first requires evidence that has not publicly emerged. The second is a political assessment based on who has been targeted so far and who has not.<\/p>\n

Ahmad said the campaign may be useful to the Coordination Framework, the largest Shiite political bloc and the core parliamentary force behind Iraq\u2019s current order, as it tries to navigate US pressure without rupturing its ties to Iran-aligned factions. \u201cThe Coordination Framework \u2026 may be trying to market this campaign to Washington,\u201d he said. \u201cBut importantly, the campaign has not yet touched any Iran-linked interests or proxies.\u201d<\/p>\n

That gap between optics and substance could become decisive ahead of Al-Zaidi\u2019s expected Washington visit.<\/p>\n

The United States is not only looking at corruption as a governance issue; it is also looking at corruption as part of the infrastructure that allows armed groups, smuggling networks, and foreign influence to survive inside the Iraqi system.<\/p>\n

Abdulrazaq argued that Washington\u2019s focus is less about corruption itself than about regional compliance. \u201cI don’t think Al-Zaidi thinks the US necessarily cares about corruption per se,\u201d he said. \u201cWhat the US cares about is compliance with its ambitions in the region.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ahmad\u2019s conclusion was similar, though less categorical. He said the real measure will be whether the campaign moves against militia-linked interests, not only politicians without serious armed protection. \u201cAgainst the broader US demands, al- Zaidi’s no sign anything has changed on the ground,\u201d he said. \u201cI think we should watch what follows these campaigns, specifically whether the government moves to undermine militia-linked interests.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ahmad said that if the campaign stops where it is, it will likely be read as a maneuver by Iraq\u2019s political elite to manage American expectations. \u201cOtherwise, the likeliest reading is that Iraq and al- Zaidi’s political class is trying to circumvent US demands and present Washington a false picture, especially ahead of the PMand al- Zaidi’s anticipated visit, at the expense of expendable, marginal politicians.\u201d<\/p>\n

Another layer is internal score-settling. Anti-corruption campaigns in Iraq often become tools in factional struggles, especially when the justice system is activated selectively. Abdulrazaq said this campaign appears to fit that pattern.<\/p>\n

\u201cThis is absolutely also about score settling,\u201d he said. \u201cTo be clear, those arrested are almost certainly also corrupt, but, effectively, Zaidi is eliminating certain political rivals on behalf of the Coordination Framework of Shia Islamists close to Iran.\u201d<\/p>\n

The next phase will determine success<\/p>\n

The arrests have created three parallel narratives: The government\u2019s narrative is that Iraq is finally acting against corruption. The public\u2019s cautious reaction is shaped by years of disappointment and distrust. The analysts\u2019 warning is that the campaign may be real only if it expands toward the political and militia-linked structures that have long been treated as untouchable.<\/p>\n

For now, Al-Zaidi has achieved visibility. The Green Zone was sealed, senior figures were detained, and the state projected force at a moment when Washington is demanding proof that Baghdad can control armed groups and reduce Iranian influence.<\/p>\n

But visibility is not the same as transformation.<\/p>\n

What comes next will determine whether this becomes a turning point or another episode in Iraq\u2019s long history of controlled reform. If the arrests remain confined to lower- and mid-level actors, Sunni rivals, and associates of the previous government, the campaign will reinforce the suspicion that Baghdad is offering Washington a staged concession while preserving the system beneath it.<\/p>\n

If it moves toward senior militia-linked economic interests and the political figures protecting them, then Al-Zaidi may begin to test the foundations of Iraq\u2019s post-2003 order.<\/p>\n

Until then, the Green Zone raids remain less a conclusion than a question: whether Iraq\u2019s new government is confronting corruption or simply managing the appearance of confrontation at a moment when both Washington and Tehran are watching.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Iraqi security forces arrested politicians and senior officials in overnight raids inside Baghdad\u2019sfortified Green Zone on Sunday, in…\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":184267,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":"","_share_on_mastodon":"0"},"categories":[14],"tags":[34913,10081,94,715,21001],"class_list":["post-186554","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-iraq","tag-al-zaidi","tag-green-zone","tag-iraq","tag-the-media-line","tag-us-iran-deal"],"share_on_mastodon":{"url":"https:\/\/pubeurope.com\/@iran\/116846431301705567","error":""},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/186554","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=186554"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/186554\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/184267"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=186554"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=186554"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=186554"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}