{"id":272501,"date":"2026-09-01T07:56:10","date_gmt":"2026-09-01T07:56:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/272501\/"},"modified":"2026-09-01T07:56:10","modified_gmt":"2026-09-01T07:56:10","slug":"kurds-in-syria-iraq-fight-to-keep-their-language-culture","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/272501\/","title":{"rendered":"Kurds in Syria, Iraq fight to keep their language, culture"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Kurds in Syria are concerned that changes in the country may erode Kurdish language education that has been common in eastern <a href=\"https:\/\/www.jpost.com\/middle-east\/article-906811\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Syria<\/a> for more than a decade.<\/p>\n<p>Meanwhile, in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.jpost.com\/middle-east\/article-905794\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Iraq<\/a>, a Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) official on Monday warned of demographic changes in the disputed Kurdish-majority city of Khanaqin in eastern Diyala province. According to Rudaw, a Kurdish media outlet, he called the changes a \u201cclear constitutional violation.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">In both countries, Kurdish political parties will need to tackle these issues.<\/p>\n<p>Syrian Kurds adapting to last six months of changes<\/p>\n<p>The issue in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.jpost.com\/middle-east\/article-906807\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Syria<\/a> relates to changes over the past six months. During the long Syrian civil war, the Kurdish regions of what Kurds call Rojava were largely cut off from Damascus. The local authorities instituted Kurdish language instruction in schools, something that the Assad regime had suppressed. As such, what developed since 2012 was more freedom for Kurds, and a generation of young people was raised with their language being taught in school.<\/p>\n<p>Now, the area of eastern Syria, which had been governed by the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES)\u00a0with the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.jpost.com\/middle-east\/article-906588\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)<\/a> defending it, will be governed by Damascus.<\/p>\n<p><img alt=\"Syrian Kurds demonstrate to mark Kurdish Language Day, demanding constitutional recognition of the Kurdish language by the Syrian government, in Qamishli, Syria, May 14, 2026.\" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"822\" height=\"829\" decoding=\"async\" data-nimg=\"1\" style=\"color:transparent\" src=\"https:\/\/images.jpost.com\/image\/upload\/f_auto,fl_lossy\/c_fill,g_faces:center,h_537,w_822\/722585\"\/>Syrian Kurds demonstrate to mark Kurdish Language Day, demanding constitutional recognition of the Kurdish language by the Syrian government, in Qamishli, Syria, May 14, 2026. (credit: REUTERS\/Orhan Qereman)<\/p>\n<p>A deal between the SDF and the new Syrian government has led to the Kurdish forces being dissolved. Rudaw media noted that \u201cKurdish students, parents and teachers rallied in northeast Syria&#8217;s Rojava region on Monday against a Syrian government decision to end full Kurdish-medium schooling, arguing it falls short of their demands for language rights.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">The issue at stake is clear: Kurds who have been learning in Kurdish may find advancing in the education system difficult without Arabic language skills, while reducing Kurdish education will be seen as reducing the rights of Kurds.<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">It\u2019s not a zero-sum game; there are many ways to have language instruction in both Arabic and Kurdish. Kurds are a minority in Syria, perhaps around ten percent of the country\u2019s population. Education appears to be an issue that affects not only the Kurdish region. A dispute over where people from the Druze area of Suwayda are allowed to travel to take national tests has also created a crisis in this area.<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">The issue is not a simple one. Local people may want locally tailored instruction. However, if they can\u2019t progress to national levels via testing and language, then how will they enter university in Syria or abroad? What the Kurdistan Region of Iraq shows is that one can establish an autonomous system with education tailored for locals, but also create success via universities and avenues for growth for young people. In eastern Syria, this remains to be seen.<\/p>\n<p>North Press Agency in Syria notes that \u00a0\u201cPresidential Decree No. (13) of 2026, concerning the cultural and linguistic rights of the Kurds in Syria, has reopened the debate about the future of education in the Kurdish language, amid a dispute between the Syrian government and the educational institutions affiliated with the Autonomous Administration regarding the mechanism for implementing these rights in schools.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">It adds that \u201cwhile the government is moving towards teaching the Kurdish language as a subject within the official curriculum with two lessons per week, the Kurdish side is demanding that its teaching be expanded to become a language of education alongside Arabic, especially in predominantly Kurdish areas.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">In many ways, the new decree is important. It changes the old Assad-era discriminatory laws that were rooted in a census dating to 1962. The report quotes Dr. Samar Habib, a faculty member at the Higher Institute for Population Research, as saying \u201cshe believes that the decree, from the perspective of educational and social sciences, represents a shift from policies of exclusion and forced Arabization to a context of legal recognition and national symbolism, but at the same time she points to a gap between symbolic recognition and educational empowerment.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">It notes that \u201cHabib proposes a three-track educational model, which can be implemented gradually over a period of three to five years, to overcome the limitations of the two-weekly lesson model. She explains that the first path is parallel bilingual education, through teaching science and social studies in Kurdish and Arabic in areas of high concentration, including Hasakah, Qamishli, Afrin and Kobani.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">In contrast, the report also quotes Ibrahim Khalil, a Kurdish writer and linguist residing in Germany. \u201cHe adds that teaching two optional classes per week cannot be considered a national gain or a correct step towards solving the Kurdish issue in Syria, but rather, in his opinion, it represents \u2018a step in the wrong direction on the path of national assimilation and Arabization of what remains of the Kurds.\u2019\u201d It notes that \u201cKhalil believes that the national solution lies in recognizing the Kurdish language as a second official language, and opening official primary schools in Kurdish areas where instruction is only in Kurdish, with a daily lesson allocated to the Arabic language.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">Another concern in Syria is the issue of official names for towns and areas. This dispute is most clear in Kobani, which has also been called Ayn al Arab. Kobani is the Kurdish name for the city. In \u201cpredominantly Kurdish areas, particularly in the east and north of the country, the issue of place names has been linked over the past decades to a broader conflict over language and identity,\u201d North Press notes.<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">\u201cMost of those areas acquired dual names, one official Arabic name which is the one used in government records, and another Kurdish name used by the residents among themselves.\u201d The concern is that Kurdish names of areas will continue to be \u201cArabized\u201d in official documents. This was common during the Assad era, as the Assad regime was an Arab nationalist regime, similar to the Saddam regime in Iraq.<\/p>\n<p>Kurds can&#8217;t speak their language in government offices<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">In Iraq, Kurds continue to struggle for their rights. \u201cA blacksmith in the Kurdish-majority city of Khanaqin in the eastern Diyala province was arrested Monday over what his family says was his addition of Kurdish to his shop&#8217;s billboard &#8211; an incident that has further stoked tensions in a region already fraught with demographic manipulation concerns,\u201d Rudaw noted this week.<\/p>\n<p>According to the KRG official, speaking to Rudaw, \u201cKurdish-speaking residents of Khanaqin are being prevented from using Kurdish in government offices, calling it &#8220;\u2019a dangerous indicator.\u2019 He further noted that \u2018the issue is not entirely on Baghdad&#8217;s shoulders &#8211; we share in it, too,\u2019 criticizing Kurdish parties representing Khanaqin in federal institutions for falling short.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">As Kurds demonstrate in Rojava for their language rights, in Khanaqin in Iraq the issue relates to demographics. There are disputed areas between the KRG and Baghdad, including Khanaqin and parts of Diyala, Kirkuk, Nineveh, and Salahaddin provinces. The Kurds have long been concerned about attempts to change the demographics in these regions, often by government authorities trying to increase the number of Arabs in the regions.<\/p>\n<p class=\"article-paragraph-section article-body-paragraph\">This demographic change goes back to the Saddam era and attempts at mass movement of people and even collectivizing areas into various villages while moving Bedouin and other tribes into areas to link them more closely with Baghdad.<\/p>\n<p>Rudaw says that Kurds have put off a planned mass demonstration in Khanaqin. However, there have been \u201carrest warrants against activists, political figures, and youths who had intended to take part.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Kurds in Syria are concerned that changes in the country may erode Kurdish language education that has been&hellip;\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":130173,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":"","_share_on_mastodon":"0"},"categories":[30],"tags":[94,26027,362,277,2559,95],"class_list":["post-272501","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-syria","tag-iraq","tag-kurdish-controlled-syria","tag-kurdistan","tag-kurds","tag-rojava-kurdistan","tag-syria"],"share_on_mastodon":{"url":"https:\/\/pubeurope.com\/@iran\/117194718565812377","error":""},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/272501","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=272501"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/272501\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/130173"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=272501"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=272501"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=272501"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}