{"id":47303,"date":"2026-04-01T19:26:09","date_gmt":"2026-04-01T19:26:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/47303\/"},"modified":"2026-04-01T19:26:09","modified_gmt":"2026-04-01T19:26:09","slug":"red-lines-and-death-threats-freedom-of-expression-wanes-in-suwayda","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/iran\/47303\/","title":{"rendered":"Red lines and death threats: Freedom of expression wanes in Suwayda"},"content":{"rendered":"

PARIS \u2014 Barely recovered from five gunshot wounds and a broken leg suffered during an abduction<\/a> and attempted assassination by Suwayda\u2019s National Guard, Morhaf al-Shaer fled the southern Syrian province last month, making his way on foot through farmland to neighboring Daraa, and from there to Damascus.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Arriving<\/a> in the capital in early March, al-Shaer brought with him the story of his experience with freedom of opinion, expression and journalism in Suwayda. After beginning his career as an independent journalist ten years ago under a pseudonym for fear of the former regime\u2019s security services, when Assad fell al-Shaer was also part of a generation of journalists who sought to build a media discourse that, as he put it, \u201csupports state-building and government and community work.\u201d<\/p>\n

But the path taken by al-Shaer and his peers quickly collided with a new reality taking shape within the Druze-majority southern province, one shaped by the local de facto authorities and a months-long stalemate<\/a> with Damascus, particularly in the wake of deadly violence<\/a> last July. In parallel, the space for free expression in Suwayda has narrowed, becoming a battleground where polarization and incitement intertwine with armed force.\u00a0<\/p>\n

A piece of this was seen last week in the town of al-Qurayya, where the National Guard\u2014a coalition of local armed factions\u2014reportedly arrested<\/a> 25 people and referred them for military prosecution. The arrests came after a group read a statement focused on \u201cSyria\u2019s unity\u201d during events commemorating the death of Sultan Pasha al-Atrash, the leader of the Great Syrian Revolt against French colonialism in Syria.<\/p>\n

For al-Shaer, the pressure began in early 2025 and gradually escalated from smear campaigns to direct threats, before evolving into physical assaults and attempted abductions. His brother, the activist and poet Anwar Farzat al-Shaer, was assassinated<\/a> outside his home in mid-December 2025. The perpetrators have not been identified, though accusations have been leveled against the National Guard, of which he was critical.<\/p>\n

Roughly three weeks later, al-Shaer was shot and abducted by forces affiliated with the National Guard, who attempted to coerce him into recording forced \u201cconfessions,\u201d he told Syria Direct. He was released<\/a> the following day.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Accusations of \u201ctreason\u201d have been weaponized to deter anyone who strays from the prevailing narrative within the province, which is led by Druze spiritual leader Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri<\/a>. So, having suffered injury and the loss of his brother, and finding no room to work independently, al-Shaer found himself compelled to leave.\u00a0<\/p>\n

He is not alone. A number of journalists and activists have been forced to flee Suwayda for Damascus in recent months after facing pressure or death threats. Their stories, like that of the al-Shaer brothers, raise questions about the limits of expression and speech in a changing Suwayda\u2014whether by local journalists or on social media.\u00a0<\/p>\n

As restrictions on freedom of opinion, expression and the press mount in Suwayda, independent journalists and local institutions are being affected, as is the ability of civilians to openly discuss political, security and service issues that affect their lives.<\/p>\n

Death threats<\/p>\n

\u201cThere is no freedom of expression or of the press in Suwayda. If you dissent from the view of al-Hijri\u2019s militias, or agree with the Damascus authorities, you are threatened with death at any moment.\u201d said Nabil al-Said (a pseudonym), a journalist who moves between the southern province and Damascus. \u201cYou can work as a journalist, but only if you tell al-Hijri\u2019s narrative or serve the narrative of his group.\u201d<\/p>\n

Al-Said\u2014who requested anonymity for his safety and that of his family in Suwayda\u2014has faced several direct threats, culminating in death threats, as a result of his journalism, appearances on Syrian and Arab television channels and work with international media inside Suwayda during the first months after the fall of Assad.<\/p>\n

He linked the beginning of a clampdown on journalists in Suwayda to the broader political and security context, pointing to the first attempt<\/a> by the new government\u2019s forces to enter the province at the end of 2024, 22 days after the former regime fell. The attempted entry was rejected by al-Hijri and prevented by local military factions.\u00a0<\/p>\n

After that, \u201cthe pressure on us began, intensifying more and more as tensions between the two sides worsened and culminating in al-Hijri\u2019s infamous March 2025 statements, when he said there is no understanding or agreement with this [Islamic State] IS authority in Damascus,\u201d al-Said told Syria Direct. After that, \u201canyone who talks about building the Syrian state or dialogue with Damascus became an enemy and a target,\u201d he added.\u00a0<\/p>\n

As a result, al-Said halted his own television appearances and took a hiatus from the media outlet he worked with, before later resuming his work from Damascus under a pseudonym.\u00a0<\/p>\n

For her part, journalist Sara Hamid (a pseudonym) left Suwayda for Damascus with her husband several months ago, after threats against both of them increased. The couple had worked in the media since 2018, during which time they faced \u201cmany security threats, but each time we overcame them and continued our career,\u201d she told Syria Direct.\u00a0<\/p>\n

But after Assad fell and al-Hijri\u2019s camp became dominant in Suwayda following last July\u2019s violence, \u201cthe equation changed, and journalistic work became difficult due to the existence of a political project advanced by external and local actors in the province, which conflicts with our work and independent reporting,\u201d Hamid said. There have also been attempts to \u201cimpose a certain narrative on journalists inside the province,\u201d she added, speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons.\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cFreedom of expression in Suwayda is no different from how it was during the reign of the criminal Assad regime,\u201d one human rights activist from Suwayda told Syria Direct, requesting anonymity for security reasons.\u00a0<\/p>\n

This reality \u201cis going from bad to worse\u201d in a number of ways, including \u201ca large number of residents being displaced to neighboring provinces such as Damascus or Daraa, leaving the country or resorting to expressing opinions through anonymous social media accounts,\u201d she added. \u201cThis may ultimately lead to total silence due to the stripping of decision-making [power] in the province, and the refusal to accept any dissenting views.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

The activist, who herself moved from Suwayda to a country in the Gulf months ago, attributed responsibility for \u201cthe violations occurring within the province\u201d to \u201cthe [National Guard\u2019s] Security Office\u2014the hidden arm of Hikmat al-Hijri, who holds actual power.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

Created after the National Guard was announced in August 2025, the Security Office in Suwayda was formed out of the local Shield of Monotheism faction, whose members included clerics close to al-Hijri.\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cAny opinion contrary to the approach the province is taking is grounds for an accusation, reaching the point of treason, after which the Security Office moves against the person, subjecting them to repression and using them to intimidate people\u2014as happened with Sheikh Raed al-Matni<\/a> and Sheikh Maher Falhout<\/a>,\u201d she added.\u00a0<\/p>\n

In late November 2025, Suwayda\u2019s National Guard conducted an arrest campaign targeting several figures opposed to al-Hijri, including Druze clerics.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Videos soon circulated showing Sheikh Raed al-Matni<\/a>\u2014previously the commander<\/a> of a local faction and a prominent supporter of Suwayda\u2019s protest movement before the fall of the regime\u2014being humiliated<\/a> in custody. Two days later, his body was released to his family showing clear signs of torture<\/a>.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Sheikh Maher Falhout<\/a>, detained at the same time, was also reportedly tortured to death. Months earlier, Karam Mundher\u2014a commander associated with pro-Damascus Druze commander Laith al-Balous\u2014was also killed<\/a>.\u00a0<\/p>\n

The National Guard denied<\/a> in a statement last December that the deaths of Falhout and al-Matni were related to their detention, claiming one died from taking a large dose of blood pressure medication and the other from a heart attack.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Syria Direct reached out to the National Guard for a response to the allegations against it, specifically regarding restrictions on expression and press freedom, but received no response by the time of publication.<\/p>\n

A violent turning point<\/p>\n

The most significant turning point in Suwayda came in July 2025, when multiple waves of violence\u2014which included identity-based killings committed by government forces, tribal fighters and local Druze factions\u2014left more than 1,700 people<\/a> dead and 200,000 displaced. Most of those killed were Druze, alongside scores of local Bedouins.\u00a0<\/p>\n

The bloodshed also impacted press freedoms within the province, as in its wake some journalists working with pro-government Syrian media or Arab and international outlets were forced to stop working in Suwayda, three journalists told Syria Direct.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Journalist al-Shaer had begun to receive public death threats months earlier, at the start of 2025, from \u201cmilitary factions in Suwayda, Israel supporters, remnants of the former regime and former military security gangs that joined al-Hijri\u2019s militias, who are known to me,\u201d he said.\u00a0<\/p>\n

In the aftermath of the July violence and subsequent restrictions and threats, \u201cI stopped my journalistic activity, given the emergence of a new political project built on people\u2019s blood. I remained besieged throughout that period as a result of this political alignment,\u201d he added. Still, the situation worsened, culminating in \u201cthe assassination of my brother, and my being abducted twice and shot five times.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

Al-Shaer accused al-Hijri of giving a \u201cgreen light\u201d to local military factions, and specifically the Security Office, to suppress opposition voices.\u00a0<\/p>\n

For Hamid, too, the July events marked a dividing line. \u201cBefore, we were able to work, and the voice of the state still existed in Suwayda, with government institutions and the governor\u2019s office,\u201d she said. After the violence and the \u201caccompanying sectarian drift within the province, working with any outlet aligned with Damascus became a mortal threat.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

During the violence itself, Hamid and a press team with her covering the events were detained and directly threatened, she recalled. \u201cPersonnel at a checkpoint of al-Hijri\u2019s militias stopped us and pointed weapons in our face while we were covering the bloody events, saying \u2018you are traitors and agents of al-Jolani\u2019,\u201d in reference to President Ahmad al-Sharaa, only releasing them after local residents intervened.\u00a0<\/p>\n

As the death threats increased, Hamid and her husband stopped working as journalists. \u201cYou can\u2019t work in Suwayda if you don\u2019t declare your loyalty to al-Hijri,\u201d she asserted.\u00a0<\/p>\n

During the couple\u2019s hiatus, Hamid received several job offers from well-known Arab media outlets but \u201crefused because of the security situation and death threats,\u201d she said. \u201cMy colleagues who work for international news agencies have [also] faced a lot of harassment and death threats. The factions told the family of one of my colleagues: Either you kill your journalist son or we will,\u201d she added. \u201cMany journalists have preferred to flee to Damascus.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

Before leaving Suwayda, Hamid said she personally witnessed a number of incidents, including journalists being directly threatened, prevented from working or having their equipment broken by local military factions.\u00a0<\/p>\n

When she decided to flee to Damascus with her husband months ago, Hamid took a bus while her husband left on foot, crossing through farmland to Daraa and from there traveling on to the capital.\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cAs a woman, I left in a regular way, but even so I was questioned at a checkpoint of al-Hijri\u2019s militias while leaving: \u2018Where are you going? Why are you visiting Damascus?\u2019 I said I was leaving the country,\u201d she said. \u201cIt resembled the treatment of the [former regime\u2019s] 4th Division, as though Bashar al-Assad were still present in Suwayda.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

Commenting on these accounts, one journalist in Suwayda who currently works at a local media organization agreed that \u201cthe pivotal transformation in journalism within Suwayda came after the July invasion last year,\u201d as the province was \u201caffected by the extreme polarization, and working objectively became one of the biggest challenges for most journalists.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

However, the journalist\u2014who asked not to be identified\u2014denied that \u201cthe emerging authorities in Suwayda have put controls or laws in place related to the mechanisms of journalistic work.\u201d He told Syria Direct \u201cthey have not overtly restricted freedoms, but rather press freedom has been primarily affected by the public mood.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

Red lines<\/p>\n

Three journalists Syria Direct spoke to said there are unofficial red lines for press coverage in Suwayda\u2013namely a ban on criticizing al-Hijri, the factions and corruption.\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cJournalists are prevented from working freely, as the National Guard requires prior approval to photograph any government or service institution, or even shelters, and this interference affects the journalistic content itself,\u201d Hamid said. \u201cWhile a journalist may speak about people\u2019s suffering at the hands of the authorities in Damascus, al-Hijri, the factions and the corruption, theft and violations they commit cannot be addressed.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

Hamid claimed \u201cthe media portfolio in Suwayda is managed by Salman [al-Hijri], Hikmat al-Hijri\u2019s son, who works to recruit certain figures and influencers,\u201d adding that \u201cany incident, even if it occurs outside Suwayda, is exploited for fabrication and incitement.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cFreedom of the press and freedom of political, social and developmental work in Suwayda, does not exist\u201d except as suits \u201cthe vision of al-Hijri, the National Guard and the so-called Bashan state,\u201d al-Shaer said.<\/p>\n

Bashan is the biblical Hebrew term for the area of southern Syria extending from the occupied Golan Heights to Suwayda. In October 2025, al-Hijri referred<\/a> to Suwayda as \u201cMount Bashan\u201d in a letter addressed to the United Nations, Arab League and Amnesty International, rather than the commonly used \u201cJabal al-Arab\u201d or \u201cJabal al-Druze.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cThere is no independent press in Suwayda today,\u201d al-Shaer added. \u201cThere is a single narrative being told, a narrative backed by Israel and the current of the former regime. It is directed, based on incitement and violates the principles and ethics of journalism.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

Journalist al-Said, who works for a foreign press organization, pointed to restrictions on \u201cthe entry of media institutions, including foreign ones.\u201d He said he has tried more than ten times in recent months to obtain approval for his organization to film in Suwayda, but that all his requests have been rejected by the National Guard.\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cThey are afraid Druze citizens will say something that does not match their narrative. They are afraid that somebody will say: yes, we suffered a horrific massacre, but there were mistakes we fell into ourselves,\u201d al-Said said. \u201cThere is a broad segment of people in Suwayda who reject al-Hijri.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cAl-Hijri wants to promote a single narrative that all the Druze are with Israel, are hostile to the Syrian state, reject the authority [in Damascus] and are against Sunnis and Shiites,\u201d he added.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Al-Said accused journalists and press institutions currently operating inside Suwayda of \u201canswering to the National Guard, or that these outlets are directly run by individuals within the National Guard\u2014as is the case with one of the most well-known local outlets, which is run by a National Guard commander.\u201d He did not name the outlet he accused.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Similarly, al-Shaer contended that topics such as \u201cnational peace or dialogue are taboo, even if opposed to the authority [in Damascus], provided they support the idea of the state.\u201d Anyone working toward that end \u201cis a traitor in their eyes,\u201d he added, accusing the de facto authorities of \u201csowing an obsession with calling others traitors, and practicing IS-like extremism.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cThere are some fellow journalists working at [Suwayda] press outlets who are patriotic youth, children of the revolution, but the will of the National Guard and Salman al-Hijri has been imposed on them and they cannot deviate from this narrative,\u201d al-Shaer added. \u201cPerhaps if they had protection or a safe way out, their position would be completely different.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cThe press community\u2014overall\u2014has been affected by the state of extreme polarization,\u201d said the anonymous journalist working for an outlet in Suwayda. \u201cThere are journalists who lean towards supporting the transitional authorities in Damascus and try to entrench their narrative. On the other hand, there are journalists seeking to promote the narrative of the emerging authorities within Suwayda. We are facing a conflict of narratives that involves journalists from both sides.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

The journalist said neither he nor his organization have been formally summoned by any entity within the province. Rather, \u201csometimes we face social pressures, because the majority of the community in Suwayda is still in shock following the July invasion, and harbors intense hostility towards the transitional authorities in Damascus. We navigate this reality with extreme sensitivity.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cI think Suwayda is one of the places where even the smallest details are known, despite the sensitive situation, as a result of the extensive and diverse media coverage of its journalists,\u201d he added. \u201cIt is natural for any authority to impose restrictions, especially in cases of extreme polarization. Free, independent media pleases nobody\u2014not the authorities in Suwayda, and not the authorities in Damascus.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cThe matter of imposing red lines on coverage is exaggerated,\u201d he added, \u201cnobody has imposed that on us.\u201d While Suwayda\u2019s Supreme Legal Committee<\/a> \u201crequired prior approval for filming in shelter centers, most journalists did not comply with this measure,\u201d he said.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Social \u2018burning\u2019<\/p>\n

Prior to the fall of the Assad regime, journalist Hamid was often subjected to smear campaigns and social \u201cburning\u201d by the regime itself and figures affiliated to it, but \u201cdidn\u2019t care about such campaigns back then, because the community supported us,\u201d she recalled. Today, \u201cthe local community does not protect you if they decide to burn you and accuse you of being from the Damascus government,\u201d she said.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Character assassination laid the groundwork for \u201cmost of the cases of kidnapping and murder that took place in Suwayda,\u201d Hamid added. \u201cBeforehand, they would burn the person by calling them a traitor among people and on social media, so the family would not mobilize to call for them. In some cases, they would not only burn the person, but the entire family.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cThe policy of social assassination practiced by al-Hijri against anyone who takes a rational position is dangerous,\u201d al-Said echoed. He said al-Hijri has been able to sideline the other two top Druze spiritual authorities\u2014Sheikhs of Reason Yousef Jerboa and Hamoud al-Hanawi\u2014through character assassination because of their positions.<\/p>\n

\u201cThis policy poses an existential threat to all of Suwayda within Syria\u2019s social fabric. It tries to erase the identity of the Druze as a Muslim sect and remove it from its Islamic, Arab and national roots, in favor of constructing an alien identity and nationalism in the name of the Druze,\u201d he said.\u00a0This \u201camounts to a project of displacing the Druze from their regions, and turns the issue into a conflict within the same household,\u201d he added.<\/p>\n

Al-Shaer, now in Damascus, believes dissent is more widespread in Suwayda than it appears on the surface. He holds that many residents \u201cknow that al-Hijri exploits people\u2019s blood and strips them of their voice, but cannot criticize or object on social media or in the streets, and instead limit such discussions to guesthouses and private gatherings.\u201d<\/p>\n

This report was originally published in Arabic<\/a> and translated into English by Mateo Nelson.\u00a0<\/p>\n


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