On Thursday, G7 sparked the controversy with an investigation finding<\/a> that Hardrock, which eventually secured the HUF 3.085 billion (around \u20ac8.5 million) net contract to organize the drone show accompanying the traditional fireworks in Budapest, was involved in discussions about the details of the celebrations before the tender officially began on 7 July.<\/p>\n Former Tisza event director Mikl\u00f3s Zelcs\u00e9nyi contacted the previous organizer, Lounge, owned by Fidesz-linked communications tycoon Gyula Bal\u00e1sy, on 16 June, saying he was seeking information at the request of government commissioner and Tisza vice president M\u00e1rk Radnai. Hardrock managing director D\u00e1niel Besny\u0151 subsequently joined the discussions and received information concerning budgets, subcontractors, and preparations.<\/p>\n The chronology<\/a> is particularly sensitive because the National Event Organizing Agency (NR\u00dc) terminated Lounge\u2019s existing contracts only on 23 June. Hardrock was therefore discussing the project before the previous arrangement had formally ended. When the state eventually opened a negotiated procedure without prior publication, three companies were invited, but Hardrock was the only one to submit an offer. The other two companies told G7 that the available preparation time was too short. Hardrock had meanwhile already discussed using experienced Lounge personnel and later requested 8\u201310 of its staff.<\/p>\n \u2018Sources familiar with the process described it to G7 as a \u201cfake procurement\u201d\u2019<\/p>\n Sources familiar with the process described it to G7 as a \u2018fake procurement\u2019 and said the procedure resembled practices under Fidesz: no open tender, tailor-made criteria for competing companies, competitors pulling back so that only one remained to win the procurement, and so on. Orb\u00e1n and Fidesz\u2013KDNP were accused for years of favouring businessmen close to them with massive public and EU-funded contracts. P\u00e9ter Magyar and Tisza won a constitutional majority promising specifically to break with these practices, dismantle the patronage network, and hold those involved accountable.<\/p>\n Independent MP \u00c1kos Hadh\u00e1zy, one of Hungary\u2019s most prominent anti-corruption politicians, said the allegations could have serious consequences if the correspondence is authentic. \u2018Just because they steal less, it is still theft,\u2019 he wrote, arguing that the lower cost of this year\u2019s celebrations would not excuse an improperly arranged procurement. <\/p>\n He said the reported circumstances could raise suspicion of a criminal agreement restricting competition in a public procurement procedure, an offence punishable by one to five years in prison, and promised to examine the case further. Hadh\u00e1zy also framed the government\u2019s response as an early test of whether the promised regime change would extend to accountability inside the new system.<\/p>\n Part of Tisza\u2019s supporter base was also furious. On Reddit\u2019s r\/Hungary, where Magyar recently held a Q&A and received overwhelmingly positive questions and messages, several users accused the government of doing the same as Fidesz, arguing that if such practices became normalized during the new government\u2019s first months, they could become part of its governing culture.<\/p>\n The government might nevertheless have an evident practical defence. Lounge\u2019s accounts had been frozen amid an investigation, forcing the state to replace an organizer that had already spent months preparing Hungary\u2019s largest annual state celebration. With only weeks remaining, officials used an emergency negotiated procedure rather than a normal open tender.<\/p>\n The new contract is also far cheaper than the previous one agreed under the former government: Lounge had originally been contracted for HUF 17.5 billion (around \u20ac48 million), while Hardrock\u2019s offer was HUF 3.91 billion (around \u20ac10.7 million) gross, although the replacement programme has reduced technical content and the two figures are not directly comparable.<\/p>\n Yet, at the time of writing, there has been no government reaction to the controversy. That is indescribably unusual. Magyar and Tisza built their political success on an extensive and intense social media presence. The prime minister himself usually comments on every major media report that sparks even a small controversy within minutes. Several hours have passed since G7\u2019s report, and there has been no reaction.<\/p>\n That is despite the fact that the government already knew about the story, as the outlet had reached out for comment. Radnai claimed that state event organization did not fall under his responsibilities, but the explanation left unanswered why Zelcs\u00e9nyi had invoked his name during the June approach to Lounge.<\/p>\n The timing gives the procurement controversy added political weight because Tisza had deliberately turned 20 August\u2014Hungary\u2019s state-foundation day and one of its most important national holidays\u2014into a showcase for the change of government. Since taking office, Magyar has repeatedly used highly visible gestures to demonstrate the end of the 16-year Orb\u00e1n era, including opening the former prime ministerial headquarters in the Carmelite Monastery to the public and ordering the removal of the Orb\u00e1n-era National Creed<\/a> from public institutions.<\/p>\n \u2018Despite the growing scandal dominating domestic coverage throughout the day, Magyar remained conspicuously silent\u2019<\/p>\n
![\"HC](\"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/people\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/cropped-HC_Logo-02.png\"\/){kind=logo}
<\/p>\n