The United Kingdom and the European Union have finally found a space of flexibility where they can mend their battered relationship without unduly upsetting the populist right that championed Brexit or raising suspicions among members of the EU club who, as in the days of Boris Johnson, are wary of London’s attempts to have their cake without paying its fair share.

In just two months, Keir Starmer’s Labour government has concluded its first bilateral agreement with Brussels, an ambitious one defined as a “reset” of relations, with agreements on defense, fisheries, customs controls, and youth mobility. It has signed a pact with France to coordinate the two countries’ nuclear deterrent capabilities and to collaborate in the fight against illegal immigration. It has also sealed a mutual defense alliance with Germany that symbolically strengthens the NATO umbrella.

The geopolitical instability and uncertainty brought to the international stage by the war in Ukraine, the looming threat posed by Vladimir Putin across Europe, and Donald Trump’s lack of regard for the continent’s security have paradoxically served as the spur for London’s move closer to Brussels and most EU capitals.

“This moment doesn’t call for nostalgia or a rush to reunite, but rather for a constructive restart, with an eye toward the future. There is a shared understanding that institutional ties have changed, but that shared values, democratic commitments, and practical cooperation remain alive,” says Vera Spyrakou, a visiting fellow at the European Institute of the London School of Economics.

Defense cooperation

Before winning the parliamentary elections just over a year ago and ending 14 years of Conservative governments, the Labour Party had already promised a prudent repair of all the damage caused by Brexit. But it also made several red lines clear: rejoining the EU would not be considered, re-entry into the internal market or the common customs area would not be discussed, and freedom of movement within the Schengen area would not be restored.

In this very limited space, which aimed to avoid a resurrection of the bitter years of internal political division that led to the divorce from Brussels, Starmer set priorities: the reconnection with Europe would begin with defense policy. The United Kingdom is, along with France (and increasingly, Germany), a central power on NATO’s European flank. Washington’s disengagement from the continent’s collective defense commitment has led the EU to propose ambitious rearmament plans. The timing has been perfect for London to adapt to the new strategy.

“At a time of global instability — and when our continent faces the greatest threats it has for generations — we in Europe stick together. A strong EU-UK relationship is of fundamental importance to that — for our security, our prosperity and our shared destiny on this continent” European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen stated in London on May 19, after signing the first bilateral treaty, which included joint financing of necessary rearmament, shared industrial planning, and a common security strategy.

“Since the British government changed, it has become increasingly clear that on most issues, the UK and the EU are more partners than competitors (perhaps the only exception is financial services). Their strategic interdependence has intensified with the U.S.’ withdrawal from a rules-based world order. Recent bilateral agreements with France and Germany underscore this return to Europe,” says Joël Reland, senior researcher at the UK in a Changing Europe think tank.

A state visit to the United Kingdom by Emmanuel Macron, with all the pomp that the British know how to incorporate into these official events, served to successfully conclude a bilateral treaty that would have been unthinkable a few years ago, when the French president referred to then-prime minister Johnson as a “clown.”

NATO’s two European nuclear powers announced their decision to take an explicit and historic step toward coordinating their nuclear weapons capabilities. The so-called Northwood Declaration (in reference to the military base where the two leaders met for part of their visit) clearly expressed the two nations’ willingness to join forces in nuclear deterrence, a step France had always been very reluctant to take.

Along with the nuclear agreement, London and Paris took a step forward in their collaboration against irregular immigration. Although it is still a pilot project, with limited exchange figures, the French government agreed for the first time to allow the United Kingdom to return people arriving illegally on British shores.

Although of lesser significance, the bilateral agreement reached between Starmer and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz in mid-July also carries enormous symbolism. The so-called Kensington Treaty obliges both countries to “assist each other, including by military means, in the event of an armed attack against the other.” NATO, to which both belong, already contemplates such mutual defense, but in times of uncertainty, no reinforcement of intentions is superfluous. Berlin has also secured a greater commitment from London to facilitate the movement of students and professionals between the two countries.

The United Kingdom and the EU have drastically changed their attitude, seeking to abandon all nostalgia and try to make the most of a future that requires them to understand each other. “To forge a special relationship, the EU is going to have to show some flexibility and start treating the United Kingdom as more than just a third country that is not a member of the club. Starmer, for his part, will have to stop worrying about the idea that British citizens are allergic to a closer relationship with the bloc,” says Hugo Dixon, founder of Breakingviews and one of the most active pro-EU voices during the difficult years of Brexit debate. “The truth is that only 30% of the UK population now thinks it was the right thing to vote to leave the EU, according to YouGov. Nearly two-thirds want a closer relationship. 55% would even like us to rejoin. I think the time has come to think bigger,” the expert suggests.

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