European leaders have been carefully drafting cautious statements urging ‘de-escalation’, ‘respect for international law’ and ‘solidarity’ with those affected by the new and growing regional war in the Middle East over the last few days. 

But one voice has sounded different. And it speaks Spanish. 

Over the weekend, only one EU leader, Spain’s socialist prime minister Pedro Sánchez, publicly condemned the US-Israel attacks on Iran as contributing to a “more uncertain and hostile international order” — while also denouncing the Iranian regime.

“Let’s remember that one can be against a hateful regime, as is the case with the Iranian regime … and at the same time be against an unjustified, dangerous military intervention outside of international law,” which was lacking UN or US Congress approval, the leftwing Spanish premier said in Barcelona on Monday (2 March).

Sanchez’s message broke with EU appeasement, offering a fresh contrast to leaders from countries such as Germany, who have insisted that “this is not the time to lecture our partners and allies” over potential breaches of international law.

Such a balanced and pro-multilateralism approach would once have been the mainstream line of EU institutions. 

But today, the risk of upsetting Trump translates into hyper-cautious statements.

Nato has stayed silent on the Cyprus attack, but its secretary general, Mark Rutte, has praised US president Donald Trump’s decision to kill Iranian leader ayatollah Ali Khamenei.(Photo: White House)

Bilateral ties between Madrid and Washington were already strained, after Sánchez refused to support the proposed ramp‑up in Nato defence spending last year.

The relationship worsened this week when Sánchez’s leftwing coalition denied US requests to allow use of the jointly-operated Rota and Morón military bases in Spain for attacks on Iran. Fifteen US aircraft departed from the bases after the decision.

By contrast, other Nato centre-left politicians, such as the Canadian PM Mark Carney and his British counterpart Keir Starmer, have supported US operations logistically for “collective self‑defence”. 

Spain’s foreign policy backbone

This is not the first time that Spain has broken with EU ranks. 

During the Gaza war, Spain emerged as one of the most vocal countries criticising Israel’s actions, demanding the respect of human rights in the Strip, an immediate ceasefire, recognition of Palestine, and halting arms sales to Israel.

These Spanish positions helped amplify Europe’s moral authority and credibility abroad. And the Spanish former EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell also helped to calibrate the message coming out of Brussels, both during his last years in the European Commission and more outspokenly after retiring. 

That message was the same: condemning violations by all sides without hesitation. On the one hand, Hamas atrocities on 7 October, on the other, Israeli brutal war in Gaza and illegal attempts to annex the West Bank.

In 2019, Spanish PM Pedro Sanchez (l) congratulating Josep Borrell (r), a former foreign affairs minister, on becoming EU foreign affairs chief (Photo: PSOE)

Of course, one could argue that it was politically convenient for the Spanish PM to redirect attention, given the domestic backlash over scandals involving his wife, brother, and close members of his socialist party. But the Arab world will remember for years to come both Spain’s stand on Gaza and Europe’s double standards.

In dealing with Iran, once again, Sánchez stands out for taking a principled stand on international law, unlike leaders guided by seemingly not much more than ‘realpolitik’.

“Europe backs a war it didn’t start, won’t fight, and can’t afford. Washington gets the geopolitical prize. Europe gets the bill,” writes EUobserver columnist and law professor Alberto Alemanno, referring to the higher energy prices, possible migration flow and political instability the EU is facing.

“A coalition of small and medium powers, with no reliable protector and everything to lose from a world governed by brute force, just cheered on brute force,” Alemanno mused. “Who exactly is this foreign policy for?”.

Europe’s diplomatic test

For decades, Europe has been portraying itself as a defender of international law. An image that, at least in the Middle East, is already trashed following the Gaza war, and more globally again lies visibly cracked.

International law still exists, at least on paper, but experts warn about its selective application.

“We are in a deconstruction phase of the international legal order,” said the (non-EU) Strasbourg-based Council of Europe, arguing that the war with Iran is “a test of whether Europe intends to shape the emerging order” or “merely observe its fragmentation”.

It is in these tense moments that diplomacy becomes a double-edged knife. Every word (and silence) is measured. Every message gains weight, and so does the messenger. 

In trying not to provoke, Europe actually fails to influence.

But the 27-nation bloc isn’t capable of speaking with one voice, because the war in Ukraine (and Hungary and Slovakia’s lack of support) once again weighs in, alongside Brussels’ dependency on the US across a range of sectors, from energy and defence, to tech and finance.

So, Europe is so far stuck on the sidelines, watching Trump’s chaotic charge tearing through international norms. 

And Sánchez, for all his courage, is powerless without wider EU backing.

Spain is neither a nuclear power nor a superpower, but rather a middle power which has thrived under the regulated environment, stability and influence triggered by EU membership since 1986. 

Being morally right about international law means little if it fails to make a difference. But its abandonment will almost certainly come with a high price and the guarantee of less space for middle powers.