temporary framework<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0introduced after Russia\u2019s full-scale invasion.<\/p>\nThe ATMs eliminated all tariffs and quotas on Ukrainian agricultural exports to the EU, offering crucial access to European markets during wartime, particularly for commodities such as grain, maize, eggs, and poultry.<\/p>\n
Agriculture Commissioner Christophe Hansen described the ATMs as \u201cexceptional instruments offering a very high level of unilateral liberalisation on a yearly basis since 2022.\u201d<\/p>\n
The new agreement is less ambitious than the previous scheme which expired earlier this month, but aims to strike \u201cthe right balance between supporting Ukraine’s trade with the Union and addressing the sensitivities of a number of EU agriculture sectors and related concerns,\u201d Hansen said.<\/p>\n
The ATM arrangement had provoked backlash in several EU countries \u2013 notably France and Poland \u2013 where farmers protested over the surge in Ukrainian imports following the lifting of trade barriers.<\/p>\n
\u201cThis agreement opens a new chapter in EU-Ukraine trade relations, setting out a long-term, predictable and reciprocal framework,\u201d said EU Trade Commissioner Maro\u0161 \u0160ef\u010dovi\u010d, calling the deal \u201cbalanced, fair, and realistic.\u201d<\/p>\n
Key provisions<\/strong><\/p>\nWhile the full text of the agreement has not yet been published, some initial details have been disclosed.<\/p>\n
Ukraine has committed to gradually aligning its agricultural production standards\u2014including animal welfare and pesticide use\u2014with those of the EU by 2028, in line with its EU accession aspirations.<\/p>\n
Robust safeguard mechanisms will be introduced to protect EU markets, particularly in cases where imports could cause significant disruption at either the EU-wide or national level.<\/p>\n
For sensitive products like eggs, sugar and wheat, quotas will be increased but kept below historical trade volumes to maintain market stability. Less sensitive items will see moderate quota increases.<\/p>\n
The sensitivity of each product was determined based on past market disturbances and the EU’s ability to absorb additional imports, according to the Commission.<\/p>\n
Compared to the 2016 DCFTA, the new quotas mark an improvement, though they remain more restrained than the full liberalisation granted under the ATMs.<\/p>\n
Some products will be fully liberalised, such as dairy goods like whole milk powder and fermented milk, as well as mushrooms and grape juice.<\/p>\n
Ukraine has also agreed to significantly increase quotas for pork, poultry, and sugar imports from the EU, while reducing or eliminating duties on other products. The Commission believes this will enhance export opportunities for EU farmers, particularly in member states bordering Ukraine.<\/p>\n
Next Steps<\/strong><\/p>\nBoth sides will now work to finalise the technical aspects of the agreement. The Commission will present the deal to EU member states and the European Parliament in the coming days.<\/p>\n
On the EU side, the Commission will propose a Council decision to formally endorse the agreement. Final adoption will take place through the EU-Ukraine Association Committee.<\/p>\n
\u0160ef\u010dovi\u010d expressed confidence that member states would support the deal, saying: \u201cOnce we present the outcome of these negotiations, engage in detailed explanations, and show how this agreement is beneficial – not only for Ukraine but also for EU farmers – we believe we will have the necessary support.\u201d<\/p>\n
He emphasised that the deal brings \u201cmuch-needed stability and predictability to EU-Ukraine trade relations,\u201d especially with a view toward Ukraine\u2019s future accession to the EU.<\/p>\n
The two parties also agreed to revisit this agreement in the coming years, taking into account Ukraine’s economic integration and progress on alignment with EU standards.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"ADVERTISEMENT A revised version of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) \u2013 the primary trade framework…\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":227152,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5174],"tags":[2000,7221,299,5187,2557,1201,657],"class_list":{"0":"post-227151","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-eu","8":"tag-eu","9":"tag-eu-policy","10":"tag-europe","11":"tag-european","12":"tag-european-commission","13":"tag-trade","14":"tag-ukraine"},"share_on_mastodon":{"url":"","error":""},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/227151","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=227151"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/227151\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/227152"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=227151"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=227151"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=227151"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
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