Mario Draghi<\/a>, who have dissected the Single Market\u2019s fragmentation 35 years after its supposed completion in 1992. Both have repeatedly warned that progress is far too slow. Even the typically discreet European Central Bank has entered the fray, urging squabbling eurozone governments\u2014most notably Germany\u2019s\u2014to remove roadblocks to a key element of banking union.<\/p>\nThe scale of the EU\u2019s drift has also been underscored by a third former Italian prime minister, Mario Monti. In February, he excoriated the \u201chypocrisy\u201d of short-sighted national politicians and corporate leaders seeking protection. Monti speaks from experience; 16 years ago, he launched an ill-fated 12-point plan to reinvigorate the Single Market.<\/p>\n
A strong sense of d\u00e9j\u00e0 vu hangs over the effort to streamline Europe\u2019s flagging economy. The Commission\u2019s much-hyped \u201c28th regime\u201d\u2014a corporate rulebook designed to override national red tape\u2014is presented as novel. In reality, it has a long pedigree, first proposed in 1988 and later introduced in an earlier form in 2004.<\/p>\n
None of this diminishes the importance of the Draghi and Letta initiatives. It does, however, highlight the dense thicket of obstacles they must cut through.<\/p>\n
Brussels\u2019 efforts to sell its renewed campaign against intra-EU protectionism to the public have so far fallen flat. Research by the European Parliament promises a \u20ac2.8 trillion economic boost by 2032 if reforms are enacted. Yet this potential windfall has generated remarkably little media excitement.<\/p>\n
A variety of sub-schemes have been proposed to buttress the \u201cmega-market,\u201d but few have gained traction. Some experts advocate abandoning directives, which member states can interpret loosely, in favor of regulations that impose uniform rules. Others argue the Commission should more aggressively deploy fines and legal action against governments that flout Single Market disciplines.<\/p>\n
Another approach is championed by Ant\u00f3nio Costa, the former Portuguese prime minister who has, since 2024, emerged as a prominent voice as president of the European Council. Costa calls for a far more aggressive assault on red tape, arguing that it \u201ccould be a big bang in the internal market.\u201d<\/p>\n
A more coordinated\u2014but contentious\u2014proposal is the \u201cBuy European\u201d initiative backed by France. Styled as an EU-wide industrial policy, it reflects a long-standing French preference for strategic economic intervention. Yet rather than unifying member states, it has deepened divisions.<\/p>\n
Germany\u2019s major corporations fear that labeling goods as \u201cMade in Europe\u201d could dull their competitive edge in advanced engineering. Elsewhere, politicians worry such overt protectionism could backfire. Sweden\u2019s prime minister, Ulf Kristersson, has voiced skepticism, warning against curtailing trade with global markets.<\/p>\n
For all their differences, these proposals share a common thread: they raise the question of whether the Commission should \u201cname and shame\u201d recalcitrant member states.<\/p>\n
Brussels insiders often counter that the EU\u2019s complex and politically sensitive decision-making process depends on trust\u2014and thus on behind-closed-doors bargaining. That helps explain why journalists still have only a hazy picture of where member states and major corporations stand on Single Market reform.<\/p>\n
If momentum is to be sustained, the reform drive needs two things: transparency and urgency. Jacques Delors\u2019s success in delivering the original Single Market owed much to a highly visible countdown to 1992\u2014and to a scorecard that tracked which governments were keeping pace with ratification.<\/p>\n
The Commission has a penchant for projecting images onto the facade of its Berlaymont headquarters. A more permanent fixture\u2014a large clock ticking down to von der Leyen\u2019s 2028 deadline, paired with real-time updates on breakthroughs and breakdowns\u2014might do more than symbolism. It could impose a measure of accountability.<\/p>\n
Letta and Draghi would likely agree that the technical nature of their project has left it largely out of sight\u2014and, therefore, out of mind. A well-placed light show on the Berlaymont, a favored backdrop for television correspondents, might do more than illuminate the building. It could, at last, draw attention to a reform effort that risks being overtaken by its own inertia.<\/p>\n
\n If you’re interested in writing for International Policy Digest – please send us an email via submissions@intpolicydigest.org<\/a>\n <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"There\u2019s a fresh spring in Brussels\u2019 step after Hungary\u2019s landslide rejection of Viktor Orb\u00e1n. That shouldn\u2019t delude us.…\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":933615,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":"","_share_on_mastodon":"0"},"categories":[5174],"tags":[2000,299,5187,2557,1699,20327,2190,2199,1781],"class_list":["post-933614","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-eu","tag-eu","tag-europe","tag-european","tag-european-commission","tag-european-union","tag-eurozone","tag-hungary","tag-italy","tag-viktor-orban"],"share_on_mastodon":{"url":"https:\/\/pubeurope.com\/@uk\/116506928941510876","error":""},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/933614","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=933614"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/933614\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/933615"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=933614"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=933614"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=933614"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}