{"id":943135,"date":"2026-05-07T05:36:16","date_gmt":"2026-05-07T05:36:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/943135\/"},"modified":"2026-05-07T05:36:16","modified_gmt":"2026-05-07T05:36:16","slug":"france-needs-armenia-as-an-anti-russian-platform-not-an-equal-partner","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/943135\/","title":{"rendered":"France needs Armenia as an anti-Russian platform, not an equal partner"},"content":{"rendered":"

Editor\u2019s note: Zaur Nurmamedov is a journalist and a graduate of the Faculty of Political Science at the Academy of Public Administration under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan (1993\u20131999). He previously served as first deputy editor-in-chief of the Vesti.Az news portal (2009\u20132023). The views expressed in this article are his own and do not necessarily reflect the position of News.Az. <\/strong><\/p>\n

French President Emmanuel Macron\u2019s state visit to Armenia from 3 to 5 May was presented in Yerevan as a major political moment \u2014 perhaps even the beginning of a \u201cnew era\u201d in Armenia\u2019s relationship with Europe. The timing was certainly symbolic. Armenia had become the venue for high-profile international events, hosting both the European Political Community summit and the first Armenia\u2013EU summit<\/a>. Against this backdrop, Macron\u2019s arrival was carefully staged as a demonstration of European attention, French support, and Armenia\u2019s supposed geopolitical transformation.<\/p>\n

But behind the ceremonies, warm words, and public gestures, the visit raised a more serious question: what exactly did France bring to Armenia beyond political theatre?<\/p>\n

During the trip, Macron visited Yerevan<\/a> and Gyumri, held meetings with Armenia\u2019s leadership, walked through the capital, sang Charles Aznavour\u2019s songs, received an order, and was warmly welcomed by the public. The atmosphere was almost triumphal. In Armenia, the French president appeared far more comfortable than he often does at home, where his policies continue to face strong criticism from large sections of French society. In Yerevan, by contrast, Macron was greeted with open arms and treated almost as a saviour figure.<\/p>\n

\"News<\/p>\n

Photo: CityNews Halifax<\/p>\n

It was in this emotional setting that Macron spoke of a \u201cnew era\u201d in Armenia\u2019s relations with Europe. He also declared that Armenia<\/a> had consciously chosen a European path \u201cfrom Iceland to the Caucasus.\u201d The phrase sounded impressive, but it also revealed the core problem of the visit: there were many grand statements, but very few concrete answers.<\/p>\n

Macron\u2019s remarks at the EPC summit were particularly revealing. \u201cEight years ago, many saw Armenia as a country heavily dependent on Russia, whose security was entirely in Russian hands,\u201d he said. In doing so, the French president effectively acknowledged what Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev had long argued: that Armenia had for years functioned as Russia\u2019s outpost in the South Caucasus.<\/p>\n

However, Macron did not stop there. He stated that France had always considered, and would continue to consider, it its duty to stand by Armenia, guided by the \u201cprinciple of justice.\u201d This raises an obvious question: what kind of justice is Paris referring to?<\/p>\n

Where was this \u201cjustice\u201d when France, as a co-chair of the OSCE Minsk Group, failed for decades to take a balanced position during Armenia\u2019s<\/a> occupation of Azerbaijani territories, despite UN Security Council resolutions? Where was this justice when the French Senate, on 25 November 2020, adopted a resolution condemning Azerbaijan\u2019s \u201cmilitary aggression\u201d and calling for the withdrawal of Azerbaijani forces from what it described as \u201coccupied\u201d Armenian territories? Where was this justice when, in September 2023, France pushed for an emergency UN Security Council meeting over the situation in Karabakh, and when, on 17 January 2024, the French Senate called on the EU to impose sanctions against Azerbaijan?<\/p>\n

This looks less like a principle of justice and more like a principle of political bias.<\/p>\n

France\u2019s openly pro-Armenian position did not help the peace process. On the contrary, it encouraged Yerevan to delay difficult decisions and complicated negotiations with Baku. That is why Macron\u2019s references in Yerevan to France\u2019s possible role as a \u201cmediator\u201d sound unconvincing. Paris cannot claim to be an honest broker while consistently taking one side.<\/p>\n

Armenia\u2019s current path towards peace was not born from Macron\u2019s diplomacy. It was the result of a new regional reality created after the Second Karabakh War. Armenia did not choose peace in ideal political conditions; it was forced to accept the consequences of military defeat. Azerbaijan resolved the Karabakh issue and changed the geopolitical situation in the South Caucasus<\/a>. This is what opened the door for Armenia to rethink its foreign policy and move closer to Europe.<\/p>\n

Macron may now try to present himself as one of the architects of Armenia\u2019s turn away from Russia, but this is not the case. France did not create the new regional reality. Azerbaijan did.<\/p>\n

There is also another dimension that cannot be ignored. Under Macron, France\u2019s geopolitical position has weakened considerably, especially in Africa, where Paris has lost influence while T\u00fcrkiye and Russia have strengthened their presence. Against this background, Armenia appears useful to Macron as a new platform through which France can compensate for its shrinking influence elsewhere.<\/p>\n

In other words, Armenia is not only a partner for France. It is also a tool.<\/p>\n

\"News<\/p>\n

Photo: CityNews Halifax<\/p>\n

Macron is positioning France as a security guarantor for Armenia<\/a> and as an alternative to Russian influence. He openly supports Yerevan\u2019s turn towards Europe and speaks about reducing Armenia\u2019s dependence on Moscow. But the message is clear: Armenia is valuable to Paris primarily to the extent that it distances itself from Russia. France does not need a fully sovereign and balanced Armenia as much as it needs another anti-Russian platform in the South Caucasus.<\/p>\n

This is a dangerous approach. It risks pulling Armenia into geopolitical processes whose agenda is not shaped in Yerevan, but in external centres of power.<\/p>\n

Macron\u2019s comments before his visit made this even clearer. He called on the European Union to help Armenia protect its borders without Russian troops. \u201cWe pretend this does not exist, but there are still 4,000 Russian soldiers on the territory of Armenia, and therefore more than 1,000 border guards. That is why Europe must commit itself to helping this country protect its borders more independently,\u201d Macron said.<\/p>\n

The statement sounded bold, but it also exposed the gap between French rhetoric and Armenian reality. Russia still has deep influence in Armenia. Russian forces remain present in the country. Moscow retains major leverage over Armenia\u2019s security and critical infrastructure. Armenia\u2019s economy also remains closely tied to Russia. These are not minor details \u2014 they are structural realities.<\/p>\n

That is why, while Macron speaks about replacing Russia\u2019s role on Armenia\u2019s borders, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan does not appear ready to fully embrace this agenda. He understands perfectly well how dependent Armenia remains on Russia \u2014 economically, militarily, and infrastructurally.<\/p>\n

During the visit, Macron signed a declaration on strategic partnership between France and Armenia, covering long-term cooperation in political, economic, and defence spheres. On paper, this may look significant. But Armenia has seen such documents before. In January 2025, Yerevan and Washington signed a Charter on Strategic Partnership, also presented as a major milestone. Yet soon afterwards, the document appeared to lose political momentum.<\/p>\n

There is a risk that the new France\u2013Armenia declaration may follow the same path: a loud announcement, impressive wording, and limited implementation.<\/p>\n

The most sensitive issue remains security. France has already supplied weapons to Armenia, and Paris played an important role in supporting the EU monitoring mission in Armenia. But these steps did not necessarily strengthen peace. Instead, they contributed to renewed expectations in Yerevan that external powers might help Armenia revise the post-war balance. Such expectations are risky. They can revive revanchist thinking and create obstacles to a final peace agreement with Azerbaijan.<\/p>\n

That is why Macron\u2019s claim that France supports peace sounds deeply contradictory. A country that arms one side, politically pressures the other, and consistently frames the conflict through one-sided narratives cannot easily present itself as a neutral supporter of stability.<\/p>\n

Macron\u2019s visit to Armenia was rich in symbolism, ceremony, and emotional language. It produced powerful images, warm speeches, and another strategic document. But it did not answer the most important questions.<\/p>\n

Can France replace Russia as Armenia\u2019s real security guarantor? Can Paris cover Armenia\u2019s economic needs if Yerevan truly distances itself from Moscow? Can the EU offer Armenia a realistic integration path, or is it merely offering geopolitical encouragement without practical guarantees? And most importantly, will France support genuine peace in the South Caucasus, or will it continue turning Armenia into a platform for confrontation with Azerbaijan, T\u00fcrkiye, and Russia?<\/p>\n

For now, Macron has left these questions unanswered.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

That is why the afterword to his visit is simple: there were many grand words, many symbolic gestures, and many promises. But Armenia needs concrete steps, realistic guarantees, and a peace policy based on facts \u2014 not another round of French political theatre.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

(If you possess specialized knowledge and wish to contribute, please reach out to us at opinions@news.az).<\/p>\n

News.Az<\/a>\u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Editor\u2019s note: Zaur Nurmamedov is a journalist and a graduate of the Faculty of Political Science at the…\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":943136,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5309],"tags":[31869,7503,34,2000,299,36,193852,332],"class_list":{"0":"post-943135","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-france","8":"tag-armenia","9":"tag-azerbaijan","10":"tag-emmanuel-macron","11":"tag-eu","12":"tag-europe","13":"tag-france","14":"tag-pashinyan","15":"tag-russia"},"share_on_mastodon":{"url":"","error":""},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/943135","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=943135"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/943135\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/943136"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=943135"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=943135"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=943135"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}