{"id":131110,"date":"2025-08-09T07:02:14","date_gmt":"2025-08-09T07:02:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/us\/131110\/"},"modified":"2025-08-09T07:02:14","modified_gmt":"2025-08-09T07:02:14","slug":"how-hamas-still-holds-power-in-gaza-almost-two-years-into-the-war","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/us\/131110\/","title":{"rendered":"How Hamas still holds power in Gaza, almost two years into the war"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nearly two years after Israel launched a war aimed at dismantling Hamas following the Oct. 7 attacks, the movement remains the dominant force in Gaza. Despite the devastation of infrastructure, the assassination of top leaders and a crippling blockade, Hamas continues to govern, fight and even pay salaries.<\/p>\n

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IDF still fighting Hamas in Gaza <\/p>\n

(Photo: IDF)<\/p>\n

Analysts say this endurance is not a coincidence. It\u2019s the result of an organization that has embedded itself deeply into the fabric of Gaza’s society, adapted militarily and evolved its financial tactics to survive one of the most intense conflicts in the region\u2019s modern history.<\/p>\n

\u201cHamas is not just a military wing or a political party,\u201d said Dr. Michael Milshtein, head of the Palestinian Studies Forum at the Moshe Dayan Center. \u201cIt\u2019s something much broader \u2014 deeply rooted in Palestinian society. Over the past 20 years, they\u2019ve built strong connections through education, charity, mosques, youth clubs and women\u2019s associations.\u201d<\/p>\n

Milshtein argues that the movement\u2019s social infrastructure is a major reason it continues to enjoy support, even after what he estimates to be the loss of 25,000 to 27,000 members, many from its military wing. <\/p>\n

\u201cTheir organizational DNA is built on resilience and redundancy,\u201d he explained. \u201cThey\u2019ve suffered enormous losses, but they have thousands of operatives and supporters ready to step in. They\u2019re still the dominant power in Gaza.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Hamas terrorists eating well in the tunnels<\/p>\n

Ihsan Ataya, head of the Arab and International Relations Department for the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, sees that strength coming from both ideological commitment and operational structure.<\/p>\n

\u201cHamas has managed to maintain political control under a genocidal war and starvation campaign,\u201d Ataya told The Media Line. \u201cThey operate with a tightly structured organization and strong security apparatus that helps maintain internal order \u2014 even under the most extreme conditions.\u201d<\/p>\n

Militarily, Hamas has shifted tactics. Gone are the battalions and brigades of previous wars. Instead, the group now relies on small, mobile units conducting guerrilla warfare inside Gaza\u2019s urban ruins.<\/p>\n

\u201cSince mid-2024, they adopted a doctrine of attrition,\u201d Milshtein said. \u201cIt\u2019s no longer about battalions \u2014 now it\u2019s cells of three, five, seven fighters at most, carrying out ambushes and urban attacks.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ataya agreed that Hamas field commanders continue to play a vital role, guiding attacks under Israel\u2019s overwhelming air and ground presence.<\/p>\n

\u201cMilitary operations remain intense and coordinated,\u201d he said. \u201cDespite Israeli air dominance, fighters plant explosives, prepare ambushes and maintain tactical communication between units. These aren\u2019t isolated acts \u2014 there\u2019s still a level of organization behind them.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Hamas still the force in Gaza <\/p>\n

(Photo: REUTERS)<\/p>\n

Both experts note that Hamas\u2019s underground tunnel network remains central to its resilience, enabling the movement of fighters, weapons and even leadership figures across vast stretches of Gaza.<\/p>\n

Perhaps most surprisingly, Hamas continues to pay its members \u2014 albeit in creative ways. Salaries aren\u2019t what they once were, and cash is no longer the only currency.<\/p>\n

\u201cPayment isn\u2019t just in shekels anymore,\u201d Milshtein said. \u201cHamas distributes food boxes, water and humanitarian supplies as salary substitutes. This assistance, often looted or diverted from international aid, replaces cash.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ataya adds that even amid financial siege, the movement finds ways to ensure a degree of compensation for its rank and file.<\/p>\n

\u201cThey\u2019ve managed to continue paying salaries and providing services, even while Gaza lies in ruins,\u201d he said. \u201cThat frustrates the Israeli leadership and fuels the continued violence aimed at pressuring them to surrender.\u201d<\/p>\n

A recent BBC investigation sheds further light on these financial tactics. The report alleges that Hamas had stockpiled more than $700 million in cash in underground hideouts prior to Oct. 7. These funds are reportedly still being distributed in secret, with Hamas operatives meeting briefly \u2014 sometimes over tea \u2014 to hand over envelopes containing partial salaries.<\/p>\n

According to the BBC, most Hamas employees now receive only about 20 percent of their prewar salaries, roughly NIS 1,000 (around $300) every 10 weeks. To make up for the shortfall, Hamas is also said to be taxing traders, selling goods like cigarettes at inflated prices and redirecting humanitarian aid for resale.<\/p>\n

\u201cThere\u2019s no question Hamas is under financial strain,\u201d Milshtein said. \u201cBut they\u2019ve always been adaptive. Whether it\u2019s drones, smuggling routes through Bedouin networks or backchannels in Rafah \u2014 they find ways to move money.\u201d<\/p>\n

One of the reasons Hamas remains so cohesive is its unified command structure. Contrary to portrayals of deep division between its Gaza-based leadership and exiled political bureau, both Ataya and Milshtein emphasize tight coordination.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

\u201cThere\u2019s a misconception about splits in leadership,\u201d Milshtein said. \u201cIn reality, the two wings \u2014 inside Gaza and abroad \u2014 work closely together, especially when it comes to funding and strategic decisions.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ataya points to leaders like Zaher Jabarin (based in Istanbul) and Mohammad Darwish (based in Doha) as key financial architects.<\/p>\n

\u201cThey are the ones responsible for collecting donations from states like Turkey, Qatar and Iran \u2014 and ensuring that money makes its way into Gaza,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

Getting money into the Strip has grown more difficult, especially with Israel\u2019s control of the Philadelphi Route along the Egyptian border. But both analysts agree: Hamas still finds a way.<\/p>\n

Ultimately, Hamas\u2019s strategy now rests on outlasting the enemy. It is not about swift military victory but about eroding Israel\u2019s stamina and global legitimacy.<\/p>\n

\u201cHamas is betting on attrition,\u201d Milshtein said. \u201cThey want to raise the cost \u2014 militarily, economically and politically \u2014 until Israel can no longer sustain the war. It\u2019s a long game.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ataya sees this as the only viable option under current conditions. \u201cThere\u2019s no political horizon. Ceasefire talks are stalled. In the absence of alternatives, Hamas is forced into a long-term war of exhaustion \u2014 one that chips away at Israel\u2019s stability, image and sense of control.\u201d<\/p>\n

Despite being weakened, Hamas continues to function. Its ideology, social services and operational flexibility allow it to survive in a war zone most would find ungovernable.<\/p>\n

\u201cThey\u2019re not strong,\u201d Milshtein clarified. \u201cBut they\u2019re still standing. And that alone tells us something about how deeply embedded they are in Gaza\u2019s reality.\u201d<\/p>\n