\u201cI don\u2019t view that as being nefarious,\u201d Frank said. \u201c[The health care industry\u2019s] bread is buttered the same way.\u201d<\/p>\n
The Globe examined nearly 9,000 contributions made last year to Healey, Mariano, and Spilka, as well as the House\u2019s No. 2 Democrat and the Legislature\u2019s two budget chiefs \u2014 a group of lawmakers who exert an outsized influence over what becomes law. With the help of a sorting algorithm, Globe reporters classified each donation within one of <\/b>more than two-dozen industries, from banking to biotech \u2014 a data point not often readily <\/b>apparent in the state\u2019s campaign finance database. <\/p>\n
The Globe\u2019s analysis found that collectively, the <\/b>six most powerful Democrats raised just under $3 million <\/b>over the course of 2024. Most of the lawmakers included in the Globe\u2019s analysis also handily won reelection. Their races are rarely competitive, which means they don\u2019t necessarily need the money they rake in to <\/b>retain their influential seats. <\/p>\n
The donations flowed during a busy legislative session that produced several sweeping health care bills, touching everything from midwives <\/a>to breast cancer screenings to prescription drug costs.<\/a><\/p>\n Under Massachusetts\u2019 campaign finance law, corporations and businesses are barred from giving directly to a political candidate or officeholder\u2019s campaign. But individuals who work for them can give up to $1,000 annually, meaning well-heeled executives often help drive the flood of cash politicians rely on to run for office, host parties, or attend dinners<\/a>. <\/p>\n Collectively, Spilka and Mariano \u2014 the Legislature\u2019s top two Democrats \u2014 received more than $91,000 from the health care and insurance industries alone, accounting for roughly $1 of every $4 they raised last year, according to the Globe analysis.<\/p>\n Boston\u2019s health care industry is enormously important and complex, helping power the region at the same time many of its major players are also navigating their own financial hardship<\/a>. Hospitals and insurers can often be on opposing sides<\/a> of an issue. The ripple effects of just one company\u2019s failure \u2014 or in the case of Steward Health Care, its leaders\u2019 potentially criminal<\/a> actions \u2014 can be enormous<\/a>.<\/p>\n \u201cThe employees\u2019 direct donations to political leaders offer another avenue of influence and can help make sure they have a seat at the table,\u201d said Alan Sager, a professor of health law, policy, and management at the Boston University School of Public Health. <\/p>\n \u201cThey\u2019re trying to protect their institutions,\u201d Sager said. \u201cThey know in a crisis, how state government acts could hurt them \u2014 or help them.”<\/p>\n Those working for Blue Cross Blue Shield, Massachusetts\u2019 largest health insurer, collectively gave $36,000 to those six Democrats, outpacing those at any other corporation in health care or any other sector. <\/p>\n About <\/b>50 Blue Cross Blue Shield employees accounted for more than 100 contributions, including to state Representative Aaron Michlewitz, state Senator Michael Rodrigues, and House majority leader Michael Moran.<\/p>\n Ruby Kam, Blue Cross Blue Shield\u2019s chief financial officer, gave $3,000 in total to Healey and legislative leaders, as did its chief operating officer, Richard Lynch. Then-vice president and lobbyist Michael Caljouw, who now serves as Healey\u2019s insurance commissioner, also made four $200 donations, the maximum allowed for a lobbyist per candidate. (Caljouw did not respond to questions submitted to him through a Healey spokesperson.)<\/p>\n As Beacon Hill\u2019s leaders weigh far-reaching health care bills, Blue Cross Blue Shield wants to \u201censure the voices of our members and employer customers are heard in those discussions,\u201d <\/b>said company spokesperson Amy McHugh. One way to do that, she said, is to make political donations.<\/p>\n Unlike some major hospital leaders, Blue Cross Blue Shield employees, she said, don\u2019t make contributions through trade groups\u2019 political action committees. The Massachusetts Health and Hospital Association\u2019s PAC, for example, contributed thousands of dollars to lawmakers last year after taking donations from hospital executives it helps represent. <\/p>\n Blue Cross Blue Shield, however, has its own PAC, the Cross and Shield Political Action Committee, which is fueled by donations from several of its top employees. That, too, spread thousands of dollars in donations to lawmakers last year beyond its executives\u2019 personal donations, records show.<\/p>\n McHugh did not make Blue Cross Blue Shield chief executive Sarah Iselin available for an interview. Iselin, who is also a registered lobbyist, donated the maximum $200 to Healey, Mariano, Spilka, and Michlewitz. <\/p>\n \u201cWe are proud to advocate for affordability, quality and equity in healthcare,\u201d McHugh said in a statement. \u201cA strong healthcare system is essential to Massachusetts\u2019 future, including our state\u2019s ability to attract and retain businesses and workers.\u201d<\/p>\n Employees at Tufts Medicine and its affiliated hospitals, including Lowell General Hospital and MelroseWakefield Hospital, gave $21,725, the Globe found. Beyond Blue Cross Blue Shield, only those working for WilmerHale, who gave $23,500 to Healey, and Quincy-based Arbella Insurance, which donated a combined $22,800 to the six Democratic leaders, gave more.<\/p>\n Healey worked at <\/a>WilmerHale for a decade<\/a> before moving into politics.<\/p>\n No individual gave more than Michael Dandorph, the president and chief executive of Tufts, the nonprofit hospital chain that Dandorph warned in 2024 would need more government help<\/a> amid deep financial losses.<\/p>\n Dandorph gave maximum $1,000 donations to each of the six elected officials whose campaign filings the Globe analyzed.<\/p>\n Tufts officials declined to make Dandorph available for an interview, instead saying in a statement that employees across the organization \u201cmay engage in civic activities,\u201d including making donations.<\/p>\n \u201cPersonal contributions by employees, including leadership, are made as private citizens,\u201d the statement said.<\/p>\n Employees <\/b>from Mass General Brigham and its affiliated hospitals and health plan gave roughly $9,400 to the six Democratic leaders last year, according to state data. Those at Point32Health, the owner of Harvard Pilgrim Health Care and Tufts Health Plan, contributed about $8,800.<\/p>\n Blue Cross Blue Shield has given in other ways in the past, too. The organization chipped in $25,000 to Healey\u2019s inaugural committee<\/a>, which under state law is allowed to take contributions from corporations. Blue Cross Blue Shield <\/b>also funneled $150,000 to a campaign that opposed a failed 2008 ballot question that sought to eliminate the state income tax<\/a>. A decade later, it gave $100,000 to a committee that successfully campaigned against repealing transgender discrimination protections.<\/a><\/p>\n Former Steward chief executive Ralph de la Torre was a regular political donor<\/a> before his resignation last year, and even hosted a fund-raiser at his home featuring then-President Barack Obama<\/a>. <\/p>\n Many of the leading health care institutions <\/b>also lobby the same elected officials \u2014 a lot. Blue Cross Blue Shield spent $460,000 on lobbyists last year, more than any other corporate spender. The Massachusetts Association of Health Plans, which represents most health insurers outside of Blue Cross Blue Shield, spent $1.3 million, the most of any business group.<\/p>\n \u201cThey have a lot of money to throw around,\u201c Frank, the economist, said. \u201dIt\u2019s not always for the good but it\u2019s not always for the bad, either.” <\/p>\n Anjali Huynh, Yoohyun Jung, and Emma Platoff of the Globe staff contributed to this report. <\/p>\n <\/p>\n How we reported this story<\/p>\n The Globe used a machine learning classification model to analyze about 9,000 campaign finance contributions made in 2024 to six top Massachusetts politicians: Maura Healey, Ronald Mariano, Aaron Michlewitz, Michael J. Moran, Michael J. Rodrigues, and Karen Spilka. The contributions data come from the Massachusetts Office of Campaign & Political Finance. <\/p>\n \nThe model sorted donations into 30 different industry categories \u2014 ranging from real estate and healthcare to cannabis and consulting \u2014 by analyzing the contributor\u2019s name, occupation, and employer. When employer information was vague or unclear, the model ran automated internet searches to better identify the donor\u2019s affiliations. Each contributor was assigned to just one primary industry category based on the most relevant available information. Every prediction made by the model was reviewed and verified by Globe reporters to ensure accuracy. <\/p>\n Matt Stout can be reached at matt.stout@globe.com<\/a>. Follow him @mattpstout<\/a>. Samantha J. Gross can be reached at samantha.gross@globe.com<\/a>. Follow her @samanthajgross<\/a>. Neena Hagen can be reached at neena.hagen@globe.com<\/a>.<\/p>\n![\"Blue](\"https:\/\/www.europesays.com\/us\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/GXEF2WGYYN2KEY6DXNM6IDICHA.jpg\")
Blue Cross Blue Shield chief executive Sarah Iselin was among nearly 50 employees from the insurance giant to make donations to several of Massachusetts’ top Democrats last year.Barry Chin\/Globe Staff<\/p>\n